By Sumaila Ogbaje

India’s recent commemoration of the first anniversary of Operation Sindoor has again drawn global attention to evolving counter-terrorism strategies and the growing role of technology, doctrine and political will in modern warfare.

Operation Sindoor refers to a high-intensity Indian military and diplomatic campaign launched on May 7, 2025, following a brutal terrorist attack in Pahalgam.

Marked by coordinated changes of official profile pictures by top government officials, the anniversary served not only as a symbolic gesture but also as a reaffirmation of India’s firm stance against terrorism.

Speaking recently on the operation, Prime Minister Narendra Modi described the operation as a defining moment in India’s security history, emphasising that it demonstrated “unparalleled courage, precision and resolve

The coordinated gesture by the External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, Home Minister Amit Shah and other senior officials, reinforces what observers describe as a deliberate effort to institutionalise national security consciousness.

Beyond political leadership, India’s military high command has also offered deeper insight into the operation, describing it as a strategic turning point rather than a one-off response.

Former Director General of Military Operations, Lt.-Gen. Rajiv Ghai, characterised Operation Sindoor as a defining moment in India’s strategic journey.

“It has been a year to the day since Operation Sindoor was conducted, and as the then Director General of Military Operations, I look back at not only a military operation but possibly a defining moment in India’s strategic journey.”

He said the operation reflected a deliberate shift from previous approaches, as India moved to target terrorist infrastructure beyond its immediate borders.

“Operation Sindoor saw India very consciously and coherently go beyond its erstwhile approaches and methods and target terror across the Line of Control and our international boundary with Pakistan.’’

Ghai stressed that the operation was not a conclusion, but the beginning of a sustained campaign.

He said that Operation Sindoor was not an end but a beginning.

According to him, India’s fight against terror will go on, affirming that the country will continue to defend its sovereignty and citizens decisively and professionally.

He further highlighted the clarity of political direction and operational freedom granted to the armed forces.

“With precision, proportionality and clarity of purpose, it was a statement of resolve, responsibility and strategic restraint by a nation.

“From the outset, the government gave us two clear directions—clear political-military objectives and the operational flexibility to achieve these.

“The clearly stated end—to destroy and degrade terror ecosystems, disrupt their planning, and deter future aggression from these bases—was very unambiguously spelt out. Concurrently, the armed forces were entrusted with the wherewithal to plan and execute this operation,” he said.

Operationally, Indian forces reportedly struck multiple terror bases across Pakistan and Pakistan-administered territories, destroying key infrastructure linked to groups such as Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jaish-e-Mohammed and Hizbul Mujahideen.

According to the Indian military, more than 100 terrorists have been killed during the strikes.

The military said it also triggered a brief but intense military exchange, including drone attacks and artillery shelling, before a ceasefire was reached following high-level military engagements between both sides.

Military experts, including retired Lt.-Gen. Sujeet Dharkar, have highlighted the unprecedented deployment of advanced systems, including long-range air defence and loitering munitions.

More so, retired Lt.-Gen. Dhruv Katoch, underscored the “zero tolerance” doctrine—an approach signalling decisive consequences for terrorist actions.

Austrian military historian, Tom Cooper, also pointed to the strategic implications of the operation, particularly its demonstration of expanded strike capability.

For Nigeria, the developments resonate strongly.

The country’s counter-terrorism efforts are largely driven by operations such as Operation Hadin Kai, alongside other internal security missions targeting banditry and violent extremism.

In spite of the recorded gains, including neutralisation of insurgents and rescue of abductees, challenges persist due to evolving tactics by non-state actors, difficult terrain and cross-border dynamics.

Against this backdrop, Operation Sindoor offers critical lessons for Nigeria’s security architecture.

According to military experts, lesson one is political will and operational clarity–a key takeaway from Operation Sindoor is the alignment between political leadership and military execution.

As Ghai’s underscored, clearly defined objectives and operational flexibility contributed to mission success.

For Nigeria, analysts say this highlights the need for sustained political commitment, clear directives and consistent policy support for the armed forces.

Lesson two, according to experts, is intelligence-led precision strikes. The operation reinforces the importance of intelligence-driven warfare and precision targeting.

Rather than broad offensives, targeted strikes based on credible intelligence can yield more effective results while minimising collateral damage.

For Nigeria, strengthening intelligence capabilities across human and technological domains remains a priority.

For experts, lesson three is technology as a force multiplier–Operation Sindoor demonstrated the growing role of drones, air defence systems and precision-guided munitions.

Stakeholders say Nigeria must continue investing in surveillance technologies, unmanned systems and data-driven operations to match evolving threats.

Nigeria’s Chief of Army Staff, Lt.-Gen. Waidi Shaibu, had recently underscored the importance of advanced training and technology-driven operations in strengthening the effectiveness of the Nigerian Army.

Shaibu said modern security challenges required continuous professional training, innovation and the deployment of advanced technology to enhance operational efficiency in counterterrorism and counterinsurgency operations.

According to him, success on the battle field is no longer determined by equipment alone, but by the competence, discipline and adaptability of troops.

The army chief highlighted drone technology, combat aviation and modern training approaches as key enablers of future military operations, noting that the Army would continue to leverage such capabilities to improve performance.

Lesson four is Joint-force synergy. The operation highlighted seamless coordination among different arms of the military.

Nigeria’s joint task force model provides a foundation, but analysts emphasise the need for improved interoperability, communication systems and logistics integration.

Lesson five is doctrinal evolution. India’s shift from restraint to proactiveness reflects the importance of adapting military doctrine to changing realities.

Nigeria, experts say, must continue reviewing its strategies to address emerging threats such as drone-enabled attacks and decentralised insurgent networks.

According to analysts, lesson six is strategic communication–the coordinated national commemoration underscores the role of communication in building public confidence and unity.

In Nigeria, effective messaging can help counter misinformation and strengthen civilian support for military operations.

Lesson seven is regional collaboration. Nigeria’s participation in the Multinational Joint Task Force reflects the importance of cross-border cooperation.

However, experts call for deeper intelligence sharing and coordinated strategies to tackle transnational threats.

For policy analysts, lesson eight is self-reliance in defence. As highlighted by Ghai, the emphasis on indigenous capability points to the need for Nigeria to strengthen its local defence industry.

In spite of its lessons, analysts caution that Operation Sindoor cannot be replicated wholesale because Nigeria’s security environment differs significantly, requiring context-specific solutions that combine military, political and socio-economic approaches.

They say Operation Sindoor stands as a compelling case study in modern counter-terrorism, demonstrating how clarity of purpose, political backing and operational flexibility can shape outcomes.

According to stakeholders, the lessons for Nigeria are both instructive and urgent: the fight against terrorism demands not only force, but precision, innovation, coordination, and sustained national resolve.

All in all, it is the experts’ view that adapting these lessons to local realities could prove decisive in achieving long-term stability as the country continues its battle against insurgency and insecurity. (NAN)

By Raphael Atuu

For decades, Nigeria proudly carried the title of the “Giant of Africa” , a nation respected for its population, economic strength, military influence, cultural dominance, and leadership role on the African continent.

Today, however, many Nigerians are beginning to question whether that status still reflects reality.

From diplomatic influence to economic stability and even sporting excellence, concerns are mounting that Nigeria’s once commanding presence in Africa is gradually fading.

The phrase “Ghana Must Go” remains one of the most memorable chapters in West African history. In the early 1980s, during a period of economic hardship, Nigeria expelled millions of undocumented West African migrants, many of them Ghanaians.

Ironically, decades later, reports of anti-Nigerian sentiments and growing hostility toward Nigerians in some African countries have sparked debates about whether the continent’s most populous nation is losing its prestige and influence.

In recent years, Nigerians living in some African countries have faced harassment, discrimination, and violent attacks.

 In South Africa, repeated xenophobic attacks targeting foreign nationals, including Nigerians, generated outrage and diplomatic tensions.

 Similar concerns have emerged in other African countries where Nigerians increasingly complain of unfair treatment and declining respect for the country’s image abroad.

Observers argue that Nigeria’s weakening economic conditions and governance challenges have contributed significantly to the decline of its continental influence.

Once regarded as one of Africa’s strongest economies, Nigeria is now battling inflation, unemployment, rising debt, currency instability, and widespread poverty.

The removal of fuel subsidies, rising cost of living, and depreciation of the naira have further deepened hardship for millions of citizens.

Many young Nigerians are now seeking opportunities abroad in what has popularly become known as the “Japa” wave, a mass migration of skilled professionals seeking better living conditions overseas.

Diplomatically, critics say Nigeria appears less visible in major continental and global engagements compared to previous decades.

While countries such as Rwanda, South Africa, Kenya, and Egypt continue to strengthen international partnerships and attract global attention, many believe Nigeria has not maintained the same level of strategic influence expected of a continental leader.

Security challenges have also weakened the nation’s image. Nigeria, once recognized for leading peacekeeping missions across Africa through the Economic Community of West African States and the African Union, is now struggling with insecurity within its own borders.

 Terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, communal clashes, and separatist agitations continue to threaten national stability and investor confidence.

In sports, many Nigerians lament what they describe as a decline in national dominance.

The country once stood tall in African football and athletics, regularly qualifying for major tournaments and producing globally celebrated talents. However, inconsistent performances, poor sports administration, and inadequate investment have affected Nigeria’s competitiveness on the international stage.

Political analysts argue that leadership remains central to the country’s challenges.

They stress that without visionary leadership, institutional reforms, economic diversification, and investment in education, infrastructure, technology, and security, Nigeria may continue to lose ground both regionally and globally.

There are also concerns over corruption, weak institutions, ethnic divisions, and poor policy implementation, all of which critics say have slowed national development despite the country’s vast human and natural resources.

Despite the challenges, many Nigerians believe the country still possesses enormous potential to reclaim its leadership position in Africa. With its large population, entrepreneurial spirit, natural resources, entertainment industry, and youthful workforce, experts insist that Nigeria can still rise again if the right policies and governance structures are put in place.

For now, the question remains: can Nigeria restore its status as the true Giant of Africa, or will the title remain only a memory of past glory?

By Chidi Amuta

I have fallen victim to two sets of phone calls in recent weeks about political developments in Nigeria. Between foreign friends and associates on one hand and my local elite readers and friends on the other. The foreigners have uniformly expressed consternation at recent political developments in Nigeria.

  They just cannot understand the peculiarities of our political culture. How come an opposition platform is just being cobbled together barely six months to a general election? How come the major opposition leaders are the same politicians who have featured with the characters now in power in the ruling APC? How come politicians have waited for the judiciary to tell them who should lead the new opposition party? Why do Nigerian politicians change their parties literally like underpants ever so often?

On the other hand, calls from fellow Nigerian elite have been somewhat different.

They are not surprised about the series of decampments and avalanche of new parties on demand. In Nigerian politics, political parties are just like the local mini bus, Danfo. They are just means of transporting political animals to their desired destination.  It is inbuilt in Nigeria’s political culture. We form new parties, discard old ones, jump from one party to the other at different times of the day. No ideals. No ideologies. Just trends and likely winners. We are mostly devotees of political icons and oracles. We follow our favourite candidates wherever they go in the partisan super market. Whoever the people feel is likely to win automatically has our support. It does not matter what the party stands for or for how long it has been in existence. A party can spring to life in three months and still sweep a state, local government and cause sleepless nights at the national level. No one here in their right senses will express surprise at the last minute tinkering with opposition parties. 

From either side, none has queried the names or nomenclature of the many opposition parties. Nigerians are infinitely creative when it comes to naming things. No one has asked what the new Salvation Army parties stand for. We are not an ideological people. No one has even asked how the new opposition platforms differ from the ruling APC. Our politicians come from a common ancestry. They are all bound by the blood of betrayal, conspiracy, cross-carpeting, deceit of the masses and deployment of stolen money.

Yesterday it was some strange creature called the ADC. People registered massively into the ADC. Even  federal legislators defected into the ADC before pausing to hear what the Supreme Court would rule on whether the party had a legal leadership or not and the plight of its registration as a party. After the Supreme Court verdict validating the new party’s leadership, the anti-ADC public jubilated. At last, some party was coming to free us from the Tinubu hegemony. The Tinubu people panicked a bit. Their illusion of a virtual one party dominated general election was fractured.

The defections, migrations and exodus into the ADC continued for a while. In the aftermath of the Supreme Court verdict, the purported preferred opposition party played host to a deluge of political migrants. As it were, the political landscape quickly split into two camps: the APC/Tinubu tribe versus those whose only identification mark is that they are “NOT” Tinubu and APC. A ruling party and a fledgling grand opposition party!

But just as Nigerians were getting used to this new bipolar landscape, the Nigerian political animal birthed an even stranger offspring. Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwakwanso, two significant opposition leaders abandoned the ADC and joined a new party, the NDC- the Nigerian Democratic Congress- previously mostly identified with one man-Senator Seriake Dickson- former Bayelsa Governor. Literally, Dickson’s Danfo was ready to convey Peter Obi and Kwakwanso to the “new Jerusalem”.

Yet another ripple has occurred in the political pool. Literally overnight, the previously solid followership of the ADC as the main opposition platform has literally caved in. Most non-APC politicians have begun yet another mass migration to the NDC, abandoning the ADC. Only a few days ago, 17 federal legislators defected to the NDC in one day. Mass membership registrations into the NDC have been reported all over the country.

The initial conspiracy rumours began during the opposition leaders summit held in Ibadan earlier. The public perception was that the leaders had agreed to present a consensus candidate for the presidential ticket. That sounded un-Nigerian given the towering ambitions on display. It later turned out that despite every effort made to discourage one of the leaders to back down from the race, he insisted on proceeding. Later, unconfirmed reports filtered out that the man had made specific demands as conditions for stepping down. An initial understanding to hold direct primaries to choose a presidential candidate became uncomfortable for Mr. Atiku the moment he sensed that Peter Obi had reached an understanding to collaborate with Kwakwanso on a joint ticket. Atiku now wanted a consensual endorsement of his candidature. This did not go down well with the rest.

On their part, both Peter Obi and Kwakwanso are said to have insisted that candidates for the party’s ticket should have their own organic followership and movements in order to drive membership.  So, Ibadan ended with a future of discord and a clear indication that the ADC was dead from inception.

From the developments so far, certain tentative deductions have become apparent.

First, Nigerian political followership is not necessarily ideological. It is like the rest of our social value system driven by personalities. Nigerians believe in personages, individuals whom they believe embody certain ideas and ideals. Somehow, the current political opposition temperament in Nigeria seems to be driven by the popularity of Mr. Peter Obi and his left -of- centre ideas. His messaging is about a new politics for a new nation. He is about a more transparent governance based on leadership that is accountable, visionary, competent, nationalistic and committed. He has carried this message forward from his 2023 campaign. He has found a political marriage with former Kano state governor Rabiu Kwakwanso very convenient.

Both men share a certain massive popular followership. Kwakwanso has his Kwakwansiya movement which has expanded into a virtual pan -northern popular movement with teeming followership. On his part, Peter Obi has had the Obidient Movement as a massive popular movement with membership that cuts across ethnic, religious and regional divides. The elite and the urban working class are comfortable with the Obidient values coinciding with the ideals that could make Nigeria great. It is this combination that is the driving force of the possibility of a viable opposition in the current Nigerian political atmosphere.

Obi and Kwakwanso therefore represent the immense demographic possibility of the popular masses in Nigeria. It is this fear that seems to frighten the old political establishment including President Tinubu’s political behemoth, the APC. It is the heart and soul of the real political opposition at the present time. And this is why with the exit of Obi and Kwankwanso, the opposition potential of the ADC has largely been deflated.

What is left of the opposition threat of the ADC is the shadow presided over by Mr. Atiku Abubakar. Mr. Atiku who turns 80 in November totally misread the political compass of the nation. The convention of north-south rotation of the presidency is not a fiction. It is the basis of stability in a nation that is predominantly Southern Christian and Northern Muslim.

In the current setting, Mr. Tinubu, a southern Muslim is in power. The only political competition he can face can only be from a southern politician. In other words, political contests every eight years in the context of the rotational north-south convention can only be localized within the same geo-strategic region. Atiku’s current presidential ambition is a blatant violation of this convention.

Secondly, given his current age (80 in November), Atiku is outside the tolerable age perimeter of those who lead the current opposition pressure. Beyond that, he has been too much a part of the partisan yo -yo of recent politics to be taken seriously. Atiku has made too many political somersaults, changed parties too frequently and therefore perspectives and convictions ever so often to be held responsible for any perceivable slant on Nigeria’s problems. Ordinarily, the ideal direction for Atiku Abubakar at this moment in time is towards a merited retirement. It is hard to exonerate Atiku from the collapse that awaits the ADC proposition as an opposition platform.

In his statement justifying his exit from the ADC coalition, Peter Obi pointed at the purported infiltration of the ADC by the forces of the APC-led Nigerian state.  Since then, various versions of the grand conspiracy to stop Obi and Kwakwanso have emerged.

One devious version is that the ADC may have been an arrangement between President Tinubu and Mr. Atiku to help the latter recover financially after the heavy toll his finances took under Buhari who literally was bent on impoverishing Atiku. This mischievous conspiracy theory goes on to insist that Atiku’s mission in the 2027 election season is merely to help Tinubu demolish Peter Obi’s threat by whittling down his vote count and giving Tinubu a much clearer win than in 2023.

The conspiracy theory indicates that Tinubu may have already promised Atiku certain ‘lucrative’ portfolios in his second term administration in addition to a handsome upfront down payment. This may well be a wild conspiracy theory with no factual basis. But for whatever it may be worth, the scheme and Atiku’s own presidential ambition would seem to have landed short of its runway.

The ADC as a party may still survive as a shell like the other many useless parties in the INEC register. But as a credible and frightening opposition platform, its hour has passed. It will not just disappear. It will go ahead to field inconsequential candidates with a manifesto that appears to differ from Tinubu’s lack -lustre agenda. But it has lost its originating appeal and potential. In Nigerian politics, a party platform is as good as the names behind it and their political gravity. Without Obi and Kwakwanso, the ADC is dead on arrival as an opposition platform.

Public response to the migration of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwakwanso has therefore been predictable. The duo were the life blood of the ADC and the opposition on account of their popular followership. Many have blamed Obi for this latest switch of party after he earlier left the Labour Party. Some have even seen Obi’s party migrations as indications of excessive ambition and an unwillingness to be a team player. That is a defective reading.

Obi has grown into an undeniable leadership stature in the country. His vast followership cannot see him in any role less than that of a presidential candidate. Therefore, it would be political suicide for Obi to join any party that would offer him anything less than a presidential ticket. The ADC as conceived was likely to humiliate him into a lesser role.  It is therefore heroic of Obi to see the danger ahead and quit as and when he did.

In politics as in real life, heroism is not walking head on into an oncoming train. Nor is political bravery measured by walking blindly into a destructive trap set by vicious adversaries. On the other hand, the wise politician is the wily fellow who avoids all snares, traps, evil schemes of his adversaries and survives politically to advance his ambition and prosecute his vision to his desired victory point. Even if he does not win the race, let it be said that he led the charge in front of those who see him as leader.

The majority of those who have been castigating Obi for quitting the ADC are partisans who were waiting to deny Obi the party’s presidential ticket in order to douse his popularity and extinguish him politically. But the man had the foresight to fly over the cuckoo’s nest. With the exit of Obi and Kwakwanso, the fire is out of the ADC’s projected opposition train.

Interestingly, there has been little or no word against Mr. Atiku Abubakar whose lifelong presidential ambition has wrecked nearly every party that hosted him. Similarly, there has hardly been any condemnation of the antics of President Tinubu and the ruling party who have invested heavily in destabilizing and destroying rival political parties. This in itself is a direct destructive assault on multi-party democracy. 

Since the recent upheaval in the political opposition landscape, a rash of conspiracy theories have invaded the air. Social media and beer parlor channels have taken over political intelligence. In his statement justifying his migration to the NDC, Peter Obi hinted that the ADC coalition had already been infiltrated by the virus of old Nigerian politics. In other words, the ADC had been invaded by agents of the incumbent administration.

Beer parlor informants who are ready to swear by all unlicensed deities further have it that Mr. Atiku has no interest in the 2027 presidential election beyond his personal financial rehabilitation. No one can confirm or deny this unkind theory.

Another conspiracy theory is that a wing in the ill-fated ADC is out to humiliate both Peter Obi and Atiku Abubakar by denying both the presidential ticket of the party. This faction, led by opposition figures from the South West, are said to be bank- rolled by the incumbent administration with a limitless budget. The strategy is to make 2027 a South West versus South West contest with a view to making President Tinubu the consensus candidate. Under this scheme, both Governor Makinde and Rauf Aregbesola are to choose running mates from the North for full effect. Whichever of them wins the ADC ticket will face Tinubu in something akin to Olu Falae versus Olusegun Obasanjo (1999) contest!

Nigeria’s presidential election is a grand casino. Whoever wins the election will get to occupy the most powerful political office in Africa. It is an unlimited license to incredible power, influence and cash. In pursuit of that office, no conspiracy is too far- fetched. In fact, political conspiracy is in itself a virile lucrative sector of the Nigerian political industry. We are right in the midst of the conspiracy season in Nigeria’s unusual political culture.