NEWS
Italy Votes on Whether to Change its Constitution
In her push for a “yes” vote in this weekend’s constitutional referendum, Italy’s prime minister has been reaching for new audiences.
On Thursday, Giorgia Meloni sat at the mic between a popular rapper and a personal trainer-turned-podcaster to urge Italians to vote for a judicial system she promised would be “more just” for all.
Opposition parties have been busy too, styling the “historic” reform proposed by the right-wing government as a threat to democracy, and turning it into a protest vote against Meloni’s rule.
In power for three-and-a-half years, close to a record in a land of shaky coalitions, Meloni prides herself on bringing stability to Italy.
But as this referendum has become increasingly personalised, she could be facing her first significant defeat.“She wants to win. If she loses, there will be an impact and she understands that,” political scientist Roberto D’Alimonte of Luiss University explains.
“She needs to mobilise her voters to have a better chance to win this race. But it’s going to be touch and go.”
That’s why the prime minister joined rapper Fedez and Marra on their podcast, Pulp.
Swapping her usual one-tone trouser suit for a woolly jumper with sparkles, Meloni fielded questions for an hour from the tattoo-covered rapper and his popular co-host.
The engagement was meant to encourage younger voters to the polls.
There is no minimum turnout for this kind of referendum – the camp with the most ballots over two days of voting wins. The “no” campaign already has the backing of trade unions.
Recent polls suggested that low participation would favour those against the reform.
So on air Meloni set out her case for “yes” with trademark gusto.
She said changes to how Italy’s judges and prosecutors work would make the system “more meritocratic, more responsible, more efficient”.
She also argued her opponents were only turning all this into a referendum on her rule because they couldn’t fault the reform itself.
In any case, Meloni made clear, she wouldn’t be stepping down.
“If you vote ‘no’ today just to send Meloni home, you’ll find yourself keeping both Meloni and a justice system that doesn’t work,” the prime minister said.
“That doesn’t seem like a good deal to me.”
The system is certainly chronically overloaded, with some of the longest-running trials in the EU.
But the reform won’t address that.
The referendum looks at separating the career paths of judges and prosecutors, as well as creating distinct bodies to govern them. It also proposes a new disciplinary court for both.
The potential impact depends entirely on who you ask: many Italians struggle to understand this referendum at all.
The proposal is a project of the late Silvio Berlusconi’s party, Forza Italia, part of the current coalition.
Italy’s oligarch prime minister of many years was forever in and out of court and railed against the judiciary as a supposed “communist” block on his power.
Meloni herself has also clashed publicly with the courts, claiming that “powerful factions” routinely derail her signature policies, especially on migration.
In Milan recently she claimed – with no evidence – that rejecting the referendum would mean “even more… immigrants, rapists, paedophiles, drug dealers being freed and putting your security at risk.”
Such rhetoric is one reason why opposition parties are so wary of this reform.
They fear Meloni’s real aim is to subjugate the judiciary to her political control.
She and her team deny that.
But at a time of global uncertainty and rising prices caused by an unpopular US war, they also know voters may use the referendum to vent their frustration.
“The geopolitical situation is very tough, of course. People are scared. I completely feel that. But we need to stay focused on the purpose of the referendum,” Andrea di Giuseppe, a member of Meloni’s Fratelli d’Italia party, argues.
He suggested that an assessment of Meloni’s own record could wait for the general election next year.
“If you are not happy about this government, then in 2027 [you can] just kick it off the bus, change to another government. Now, the matter of the referendum is what counts.”
There are some, even on the left wing of politics, who support this reform and see the close ties between judges and prosecutors as too cosy.
“It’s like, I help you for this case, so you help me. It’s like a little parliament where they all act together. It’s not normal,” says Alessandro Sterpa, a constitutional law professor at Tuscia University.
Not usually a Meloni supporter, he points to widespread complaints in the past about the influence of political factions, the so-called “correnti”, within the judiciary.
He also sees nothing in the proposed reform that would increase the degree of government control.
On the other hand, this would be the first time a hard right government has changed Italy’s constitution, written in the 1940s after the defeat of fascism.
“For a long time, the left wing wrote books in the university that only the left can defend the constitution. But we cannot say these kinds of things now,” Sterpa argues.
“My grandparents fought against fascism, with arms. Now I am for the reform because it’s useful for the country.”
The final rally of the “no” campaign was on Rome’s majestic Piazza del Popolo, where some spelled out “Vote No” in white tape on the cobblestones.
An inflatable unicorn with rainbow-coloured tail wandered through the crowd with a sign reading “Leave the Constitution in Peace” round its neck.
From the stage came passionate calls to “defend democracy”.
“The constitution gave us the guarantee of this balance of powers after fascism. We needed that not to fall again in that kind of state,” argues Andrea Malpassi from the CGIL trade union, firmly for the “no” vote.
He’s deeply wary of any constitutional tinkering by a prime minister who began her own political life as an admirer of Mussolini, the dictator.
“In the last few years we have had a lot of inquiries into what… ministers of this government did,” Malpassi says.
“We don’t want that not to be possible in the future.”
If Meloni wins this vote she has grand political ambitions, including increasing the powers of her own office in a future referendum.
But this test comes at a difficult time.
Much has been made in the past of her close friendship with Donald Trump, but his war on Iran is deeply unpopular here.
“Italians don’t like to get involved in these American wars, and the rise in gas prices damages the popularity of the government. The context is very negative for Meloni at this point,” Prof D’Alimonte agrees.
She would survive a “no” vote. But the much-vaunted stability she has brought to Italy would be shaken at a particularly vulnerable time.
“She will not resign,” the professor said. “But she will be politically weakened, there is no question about that.”
By Laide Akinboade, Abuja
The Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) on Wednesday, denied alleged division within the Association along Northern and Southern lines, as well as the diversion of funds purportedly meant for the relief of persecuted Christians in Northern Nigeria.
.In a statement issued by Archbishop Daniel Okoh,President,CAN, in Abuja.
The CAN President called it ‘false, malicious and deeply defarmatory’ and this is not acceptable.
Okoh stated that the allegations are entirely false, unfounded, and deliberately misleading.
According to Okoh, “For the avoidance of doubt, CAN has neither received nor managed any such relief funds as alleged, and no funds have been diverted under any circumstance.
The narrative being promoted is a fabrication, calculated to misinform the public, erode trust, and bring the Church into disrepute.“CAN remains one united and indivisible body. There is no split, no secession, and no division within our structure. Any suggestion to the contrary is false and should be disregarded.
“CAN continues to work in unity with Christian leaders across all regions of Nigeria, with a steadfast commitment to peace, accountability, and the welfare of all believers, especially those affected by insecurity.
“We are deeply troubled that these baseless claims were publicly propagated by Rev. Isaac Omolehin, founder of Word Assembly Ministry, Ilorin, without evidence and without regard for the potential consequences on national cohesion and the unity of the Church.
“We also note, with concern, the unwarranted references to respected Christian leaders; Pastor Enoch Adeboye, Bishop David Oyedepo, and Pastor William Kumuyi, in a manner capable of misleading the faithful and inflaming unnecessary tensions”.
The CAN President therefore warned, “Let it be unequivocally stated: CAN will not tolerate the spread of falsehoods or any attempt to malign the Church.
“Accordingly, we issue a firm and final caution to Rev. Isaac Omolehin and any other individuals or groups who misuse their platforms to disseminate unverified or defamatory claims: desist immediately. Failure to do so will compel the Association to take all necessary steps, including legal action, to protect its integrity and that of the Christian community”.
Okoh therefore urged the public, the media, and the international community to disregard these false claims and rely only on verified information from official CAN channels.
He also reiterates the CAN’s steadfast in commitment to truth, unity, accountability, and service to all Nigerians.
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By David Torough, Abuja
The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Makurdi Branch, has strongly condemned the arrest and continued detention of one of its members, Samuel Irabor, by the police.
Speaking with journalists in Makurdi, the branch chairman, Terna Yaji, described the action as unlawful and unjust.
Yaji explained that Irabor was allegedly detained over his involvement in garnishee proceedings linked to a local government account, stressing that such professional duties should not attract harassment.
He insisted that the police must either promptly charge Irabor to court or grant him bail without delay.
The NBA warned that any failure to follow due process would be seen as a deliberate violation of Irabor’s fundamental human rights and could result in legal action against the authorities.
Yaji further emphasized that the association would firmly resist any unconstitutional treatment of its members, reaffirming its commitment to upholding the rule of law and protecting legal practitioners.
By Alu Azege, Abuja
The first thing Kessy noticed was the silence. Silence that felt like an entity, leaving her with just her thoughts as company. The clinic waiting room was small but tidy, tucked behind a pharmacy on a busy street in Abuja. No one spoke.
Another woman was sitting beside her, staring at her phone. Kessy kept thinking about one phrase.“Don’t get caught.
”Kessy was 22 and a fresh law graduate. With a couple of friends, she went to a house party to celebrate receiving their Federal University certificates after all the hoops they had to jump through. After three dances and one drink in a red cup, received from an acquaintance, Kessy woke up in one of the bedrooms of the house with no memory of the latter hours of the night.
A mental catalogue of herself and body aches revealed the worst fear of many women and girls. That was the beginning of Kessy’s woes.
Though distraught, Kessy decided to forget the night ever happened and move on with life. After all, she “checked” herself and did not find semen, and so, concluded gratefully that her assailant must have used a condom. Her journey to moving on seemed to be going smoothly until she missed her period. Everything came crashing down.
At first, the blame game plagued her. “I should have known better, I read law. I should have known better”. With these words playing repeatedly in her head, she began to do some research.
The more she read, the more one thing became clear: the law in Nigeria was not written for women like her, or women at all.
Nigeria’s abortion laws are among the most restrictive in the world. Under the Criminal Code in southern states and the Penal Code in northern states, abortion is largely criminalized except when a woman’s life is at risk. Doctors, pharmacists, and anyone assisting the procedure can face severe penalties. Beyond the laws, stigma around abortion runs deep, reinforced by these legal restrictions and social norms. Many women navigating unintended pregnancies do so quietly, worried about judgment, discrimination, or even legal consequences.
Yet the reality is that unintended pregnancies still occur, regularly enough that research published on MedRxiv using spatio-temporal modelling estimates that Nigeria experiences around 1.8 million abortions annually, highlighting the gap between restrictive laws and the realities women face. The vast majority of these abortions are taking place outside formal health facilities. Studies also show that unsafe abortion contributes to a significant proportion of maternal deaths in the country, highlighting the public health consequences of limited access to safe services and reliable information.
When laws restrict access without addressing the circumstances women face, the decisions do not disappear. They simply become more difficult, more secretive, and sometimes more dangerous.
Kessy, at her wits’ end, began to consider the advice of a friend she eventually confided in, an unsafe route that she knew at her core would only endanger her life. This is the reality of many women and girls who find themselves in a myriad of contexts and are trapped by restrictive laws. The truth is that Nigeria’s abortion laws were written decades ago, long before the realities of modern healthcare, women’s autonomy, and public health were fully understood.
Globally, countries that have reformed restrictive abortion laws have often done so after recognizing an important fact, that criminalization does not stop abortions. It only determines whether they happen safely or unsafely.
Kessy, on the verge of succumbing to depression and taking drastic measures, eventually learned about safe medical abortion through a confidential counselling service. The information she received was calm, factual, and respectful, which was the opposite of the frightening stories she had encountered online.
For the first time since the pregnancy test turned positive, she felt a small sense of control.
As she sat in that quiet clinic, awaiting her turn to see a physician, the idea of seeking permission from the law to save her life and mental health weighed heavily on her. She thought of the various people who have walked this path, the decisions they were forced to make, amidst stigma and the heavy hand of the law. She thought deeply of those who “didn’t want to get caught” saving their own lives. She wondered what the point of being a woman was, and she was moved to tears.
Public health experts, legal scholars, and human rights advocates increasingly argue that reproductive health policies should prioritize access to accurate information, quality healthcare, and the dignity of women making complex decisions. Nigeria already has important policy frameworks supporting reproductive health, including commitments to maternal health, family planning access, and the protection of women’s wellbeing. We can do better by improving the legal environment surrounding abortion, which remains a source of contradiction.
Kessy lived to tell her story, unlike the many women and girls who have become statistics of maternal mortality.
Across Nigeria, conversations about abortion law reform, reproductive health access, and safe abortion information are slowly becoming more visible. Advocates, healthcare providers, and legal experts continue to call for policies that better reflect the realities women face and prioritize public health, because when women are forced into silence, society loses the opportunity to address the real challenges behind unintended pregnancies, from limited contraception access to gender inequality and economic vulnerability.
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