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OPINION

Natsaha Akpoti-Uduaghan : Beauty, Brains, Brawn on Eve of 44

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By Tunde Olusunle

She was a breath of fresh air when she joined the political fray in Kogi State. She’s an attorney who is reputed for her efforts in advocacy. She is also a multitasking entrepreneur and dedicated philanthropist. She certainly was not the first woman to aspire to elective office in the “confluence state,” an alias which derives from the convergence of Nigeria’s largest two rivers in the capital of her state.

She came, however, with distinctive flair, style, guts, grit and elocution.
The trademark veil over her head re-echoes memories of the iconic former Pakistani Prime Minister, Benazair Bhutto. Like Bhutto, Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan is cerebral, self-confident, articulate, charismatic and strong-willed.
Recall she outrightly rejected the congratulatory message of Yahaya Bello, outgoing governor of Kogi State, after she floored Sadiku Ohere, the former’s candidate for the Kogi Central senatorial seat at the appellate court weeks ago. Akpoti-Uduaghan alluded to attempts on her life by Bello’s henchmen in the run-up to the February 25, 2023 general elections. On that occasion, she ran for the Senate on the platform of the Peoples’ Democratic Party, (PDP), against Bello’s candidate, Ohere, who contested on the banner of the All Progressives Congress, (APC). 

Akpoti-Uduaghan started out years ago as a member of the APC in Kogi State. She aspired for the governorship ticket of the party in the lead up to the 2019 poll to no avail. Frozen out of the APC scheme, she moved over to the Social Democratic Party, (SDP), and made serious waves on her campaign outings. As she prepared to launch out on her second political advent and participation in the 2023 polls, Bello, according to Akpoti-Uduaghan, offered her the sum of N50million to jettison her ambition. She turned it down without batting an eyelid. She was similarly unimpressed with Bello’s increment of his offer to N70million. She told him she was not in politics for primitive fiscal acquisition, but was driven by a genuine conviction to serve her people. Bello, she confirmed, was furious at her unbending resolve.  

And so she was back again on the campaign dais like the proverbial phoenix ahead of the 2023 political cycle. The proverbial ram in Yoruba folklore which took a few steps backwards in a contest with its challenger did not back out of the duel out of cowardice. No. It retreated to gather more steam and velocity to fight more pointedly and more determinedly. Akpoti-Uduaghan undertook due diligence about the most appropriate political vehicle to help the actualization of her quest. Despite efforts to annihilate the PDP at all levels by the incumbent APC, she was convinced that that party would serve her purposes. And so, she was on the road again, repeatedly touring the five local government areas in her senatorial district and spreading the gospel of the kind of impact she would bring to bear on her people if voted into office. She severally toured Adavi, Ajaokuta, Okehi, Okene and Ogori-Magongo council areas within her senatorial catchment sensitising her people and requesting their support for her bid. 

The APC was paranoid on the eve of the February election on account of Akpoti-Uduaghan’s ever rising political profile. Totally bereft of ideas about how to stop the rampaging amazon, agents of the APC excavated all three accesses to the PDP senatorial candidate’s home. The idea was to prevent electoral officials from reaching her community and its environs, with the aim of disenfranchising that critical constituency in the poll. Akpoti-Uduaghan also noted that that orchestrated action could compromise her personal security and the safety of her people in the event that they had emergencies. Bello would thereafter concur to the act, saying the action was taken in the PDP senatorial candidate’s best interests, to prevent intending terrorists from attacking her on the eve of the election, a most unintelligent alibi. 

After the senatorial election of Saturday February 25, 2023, the Independent National Electoral Commission, (INEC), declared Abubakar Sadiku Ohere of the APC as winner of the contest. INEC’s Returning Officer for Kogi Central, Rotimi Ajayi, a professor at the Federal University Lokoja, (FUL), stated that Ohere garnered 52,132 votes, while Akpoti-Uduaghan secured 51,763 votes. Ohere was thereafter issued a Certificate of Return by INEC and sworn in as a Member of the 10th Senate early June 2023. Undaunted and dogged, Akpoti-Uduaghan promptly sought justice at the Election Petitions Tribunal.

September 6, 2023, the tribunal ruled that the PDP candidate was the rightful and authentic winner of the contest. Akpoti-Uduaghan actually polled 54,074 votes, as against Ohere’s 51,291 votes. The judges observed that results from “nine polling units in Ajaokuta local government area, were inflated, while the votes of Akpoti-Uduaghan were intentionally reduced by INEC ward collation officers.” Dissatisfied and prodded by his principal, Ohere proceeded to the Court of Appeal for further adjudication. Tuesday October 31, the court dismissed Ohere’s appeal as “lacking in merit.” It declared Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as the “duly elected candidate for the Kogi Central senatorial election held in February 2023.” She was inaugurated as senator Thursday November 2, 2023, at a ceremony held during plenary, under the supervision of Godswill Akpabio, President of the Senate. She made history as the first female senator from Kogi State. Instructively too, she effectively dilutes the preceding Kogi all APC-cast in the senate of the federal republic.

Natasha Hadiza Akpoti-Uduaghan was born December 9, 1979, in Ilorin, Kwara State, to Jimoh Abdul Akpoti and Ludmila Kravchenko, a Ukrainian. Abdul Akpoti who hailed from Obeiba-Ihima, Okehi LGA in Kogi State, met his wife while training as a medical doctor in the Eastern European country of Ukraine, several decades ago. A “home girl,” she was educated at Christ the King Nursery and Primary School, Okene; Government Girls Unity School, Oboroke, and the Federal Government College, Idoani, Ondo State. She demonstrated leadership potentials even as a young girl, and was the “Head Girl” in her final year in secondary school. She was serially acknowledged as quiet, hardworking, disciplined and diligent, and always posted sterling academic performances. She studied law at the University of Abuja, enduring an intricate balance between her academics and early motherhood having gotten married at the tender age of 19. Her first son, Daniel was born within the period. 

She attended the Nigerian Law School, Bwari, Abuja beginning from 2004, and was called to the Bar November 2005. She obtained a masters in business administration from the University of Dundee, Scotland, in 2012. She previously served as legal counsel at the Brass Liquefied Natural Gas, (LNG) complex during which she travelled expensively across the world. Akpoti-Uduaghan has acquired pluri-dimensional competencies in management, mediation, leadership and arbitration among others. Her soft, humane side has been influenced considerably by her father’s selflessness and generosity. He was famous for treating many of his patients free in the course of his private medical practice unconcerned about profit-making. 

On Saturday March 5, 2022, Natasha Akpoti got wedded to the Itsekiri billionaire, Emmanuel Oritsejolomi Uduaghan, the *Alema of Warri.* The event took place in Akpoti-Uduaghan’s primordial homestead in Ebiraland, Kogi State. The chief host was the recently departed *Ohinoyi of Ebiraland,* His Majesty, Ado Ibrahim. It was chaired by a former governor of Edo State, John Odigie-Oyegun, who also previously chaired the APC at the national level. Dignitaries at the high octane event included: Bukola Saraki, former Senate President; the *Olu of Warri,* His Majesty Tsola Emiko; the groom’s cousins and former governors of Delta State, James Ibori and Emmanuel Ewetan Uduaghan. Former Delta State governor, Ifeanyi Okowa; incumbent Senate President, Godswill Akpabio; former PDP Chairman, Iyorchia Ayu, among several dignitaries, honoured the event.  

Akpoti-Uduaghan’s first contribution on the floor of the Senate was to request that the recently departed Ohinoyi of Ebiraland, Ado Ibrahim be immortalised. She spoke of his disposition as an urbane father and patriarch, and an apostle of peace all through his 25-year reign. Within the period, his sociocultural domain witnessed some physical development. She canvassed the rechristening of the Federal College of Education, (FCE), Okene,  after the transited royal. Akpoti-Uduaghan was recently named Senate Committee Chairman on Local Content as replacement for her former sparring partner, Ohere. She was concurrently appointed Vice Chairman of the Committee on Steel. That she is in leadership positions in both very important committees, attests to her qualities and capabilities. Akpoti-Uduaghan’s advocacy for the resuscitation of the moribund Ajaokuta Steel Project located in Kogi Central, her primary sphere of representation, will gain desired traction, courtesy of her placements in the upper parliament.

The multibillion dollar complex has been emblematic of abandonment, waste, greed, graft, mismanagement in the past four decades now. Akpoti-Uduaghan grew up in Ebiraland and is fully cognisant of the humongous resources in foreign exchange previously sunk into the project which, nonetheless, has remained dysfunctional. The decrepit, melancholy-eliciting condition of the sprawling steel city is best appreciated via a drive through the gargantuan, multidimensional “steel city” of Ajaokuta. Akpoti-Uduaghan wants to proceed beyond preceding peripherals and platitudes to add breadth to the strident advocacy for the functional resuscitation of the octopoidal complex. It is very close to her heart because of its potential to sustainably impact the economy of her people, her state and Nigeria at large. 

Tunde Olusunle, PhD, poet, journalist, scholar and author, is a Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA)

OPINION

Election Disputes: Go to Court, Which Court?

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By Tonnie Iredia

There is nothing new about elections in Nigeria. Except for the annulled June 12 election, we have never had a free, fair and credible process because our politicians know that voters don’t believe in them. It is worse that it is the ruling party which uses all organs of government to ensure the right candidate does not win.

The new system in which voting is open but collation is manipulated dates back to 1999 when former American President Jimmy Carter led the international election monitoring group.

Carter told reporters that the number of voters on the voting queue was different from the results that were announced.

In other words, the mischief that needs to be cured in Nigerian elections is the collation process.

Everything is usually changed during the process to overturn the correct results with the strong telling the weak to go to court.

Our courts are not allowed to interfere in the election process hence the law that courts should never stop an electoral commission from doing its work. Many young people were probably too young to be aware of this while those who are old enough to know about the law think that the law can be experimented upon. All that one needs to do is to have enough funds to hire big lawyers that can intimidate a judge.

But whether we hire a long list of lawyers or not, the basic truth is that no court is allowed to stop an electoral body from doing its work. Although one legislator said the other day that it was for this reason that they put in the law to make it impossible for courts to stop electoral commission, it is good for Nigerians to know that even the military had the same law.

In 1993, Senator Arthur Nzeribe’s Association for Better Nigeria ABN attempted to stop the June 12 presidential election, but the electoral body ignored the court and went ahead with the election. The decision of the then electoral body was informed by Section 19 (1) of the Presidential Election Decree No. 13 of 1993 which barred any court from interfering in its work. 

So, there is nothing new with what the courts are doing today; they are following the old order whereby Judges are materially influenced to give wrong judgments. How can a court bar police and other security agencies from securing an electoral process and argue that it didn’t bar the electoral commission from doing its work? If courts are to positively contribute to national development, they must tackle the unending failed elections in the country.

Our judges are very different these days; gone were the days of Justice George Oguntade, then a judge of the court of appeal who dealt with the subject substantively. According to Oguntade, “where a court makes an order in contravention of a statutory provision which forbids it from making such orders, the order so made is null and void and no appeal need be filed against the order.”

What this confirms is that we have always had stomach infrastructure judges and lawyers including senior advocates who are always pretending that there is nothing a court cannot do. We say here today that a judge who attempts to stop an election is an unpatriotic citizen who is not bothered about our toga of a country whose elections always fail integrity tests. Oguntade’s ruling remains the latest and only law on the subject.

Of course, we are not saying that courts are irrelevant in our electoral process.  There is time for courts to work, so they need not work before their time. For example, all the wrongs which the federal high court found with the rivers state electoral commission could be used to nullify the election; they cannot be used to stop the election from holding because that would be against the law.

If courts start to break the law, then we are heading towards destruction. Even if the military keeps to its promise of allowing democracy to grow, we should not tempt them to change their mind. Besides, let us not remind politicians that they can revert to the old order where strong candidates were murdered just before voting day because people have lost faith in the judicial process. Our nation needs to listen now.

As far as ‘go to court’ is concerned, it is getting obvious that those who mouth it know the exact courts where the case would eventually be heard. To start with, it is usually the federal high court which on its own has a limited jurisdiction. The court has become so popular that it can alter state matters into federal matters.

In Kano for example, although chieftaincy matters are purely state matters, the federal high court in the city successfully created another emir. Could this idea of further compounding every controversy be the nation’s expectation of the judiciary? Chief Justice Kekere-Ekun must in her moments of deep thoughts begin to see how some judges can be stopped from getting involved in ousted matters.

She also needs to take a closer look at the way unlimited state high courts are made to lose their jurisdiction to the federal high court which ordinarily only has limited jurisdiction.  We are not unaware that despite several warnings, court are still intransigent on those rules which were made to keep them in line. Perhaps it is time to resurrect the old law which stopped the judiciary from determining winners of elections.

Instead, they should examine an election and see whether the process was followed or not. If it was followed, no problem but if it was not followed the court should nullify the election and give room for a repeat election. That may help to retrieve the integrity of the judiciary which is right now spoiling her image through the determination of elections in which there are more votes than voters.

Another thing that the heads of court can do is to stop forum shopping. Whereas it is true that all federal high courts have the same jurisdiction, it is suspicious that people leave the federal high court in the state where they live and where the case arose to the federal high court in Abuja to file their cases. What is special about the federal high court in Abuja that it is so well patronized? Could it be that judges of the federal high court in that city are secret members of a political party?

If the situation is not reversed, the judiciary would someday be like police that always cancels check points only for another Inspector General to assume office only to cancel it again because it was never obeyed. What this means is that whatever takes away food from the corrupt hands of officials will really never stop. Instead, they will design new strategies for continuing with the mischief. 

Except we take such stringent action, we might soon get to a situation in which a common thief can be freed if in his defence, he cites the police. It would then be argued that since the case has police involvement, it has to be moved to the federal high court because states cannot deal with the police. In other words, we have successfully turned the object of a case to its subject.

In Kano, it was only a chieftaincy case but as soon as police and other security agencies were added to it for implementation of judgment it became a federal high court case. Obviously, those who are benefiting from the roles the federal high courts are being made to play now are enjoying it but it is only fair that we are all reminded that someday those in government now may not be there again.

When the APC was the opposition party, it went to court, to stop the involvement of the army in Nigeria’s election. The party won the case and it was decided that the army should be far away from election centres. Today, the APC is in government and probably now sees the “usefulness” of the army in elections. If it saw this earlier it may not have gone to court to secure a victory against what it’s now doing.

Nigeria’s elections would be better handled if every organ is allowed to play its assigned role. There is no need to display voting and declaration of result segments while collation of votes is done in secret. Our Federal High Court should please give us some breathing space.

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OPINION

THE PRESS IN THE LAND OF FASHIONABLE PANDEMIC

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Text of a public lecture to mark the 64th Independence Anniversary of Nigeria, delivered at Iwe Iroyin House, Oke Ilewo, Abeokuta, on Thursday October 3rd, 2024.

By Dare Babarinsa Chairman, Gaskia Media Ltd

I want to thank the members and leadership of the Nigerian Union of Journalists, NUJ, the Bravo Zone, organisers of this event, for the special honour and privilege of standing before this distinguished audience at this sacred spot of Nigerian journalism.

As you all know, it was here in 1859, that the first newspaper in Nigeria, Iwe Iroyin, was published.
Since then, from generation to generation, there is no stopping us the inheritors. We salute the courage of the Reverend Henry Townsend of the Church Missionary Society, for his pioneering effort in starting the Iwe Iroyin Fun Awon Yoruba ati Egba.
By tackling the problems of contemporary journalism here, we are actually seeking inspirations from our professional ancestors to get us solutions to lingering problems. We are here to discuss journalism at this challenging times. Coming here to Abeokuta for me is not just a visit to the sacred grove of journalism where Henry Townsend and his colleagues found inspiration to start the journey of Nigerian journalism. For me, Abeokuta represents a special terminus in my career as a journalist. After I graduated from the University of Lagos in 1981, I was posted here for my compulsory National Service. I did my national service with the Ogun State branch of the National Youth Service Corps as the NYSC Public Relations Officer. Our office was then on Nawar ur Deen Street in the heart of the old Abeokuta. As the NYSC PRO, I collaborated with the Information Officer to produce the NYSC regular newsletter. We also produced the magazine called Corps Torch. It was an exhilarating period when one of the titans of our profession, Chief Olabisi Onabanjo, was the elected governor of Ogun State. It is also on record that the second elected Governor of Ogun State, Chief Olusegun Osoba, is also one the living legends of journalism. Chief Osoba had the distinction of serving as chief executive of three national newspapers; the Nigerian Herald in Ilorin, the Sketch in Ibadan and the monumental Daily Times in Lagos. Chief Osoba remains a great inspiration to many of us especially those who have the courage to plunge into politics. In 2006, I sought to become the Governor of Ekiti State. It was Chief Osoba who took me to the legendary Alhaji Babatunde Jose so that I can receive the right spiritual impartation from the highest ecclesiastical personage of our profession. I remain eternally grateful to both Chief Osoba and Baba Jose.At the heart of what we are discussing today is what has happened to journalism that we now have very few of our colleagues gunning for high elective offices. During the last general elections, only few of our colleagues sought high elective offices to become President, governors, state or federal legislators. In Ogun State here, our distinguished colleague, Modele Sarafa Yusuf, made an attempt to become the governor, but her ambition was aborted. We now found that the Fourth Nigerian Republic has very few journalists in high elective political offices. You ask yourself where are the Bisi Onabanjos, Lateef Jakandes and Segun Osobas of this era? Last year, one of our distinguished colleagues and one of the best-known Nigerians all over the world, Basorun Dele Momodu, sought to secure the presidential nomination of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party, PDP. Momodu lost his nomination bid. He did not have access to enough fund which is now the main weapon of political contest in contemporary Nigeria. Yet this is the same country in which many top journalists have played prominent roles in the past. Indeed, the founding fathers of our republic have used journalism as their staging post. Herbert Macaulay, the Father of Nigerian Nationalism, though trained as a surveyor, was also a man who used the newspaper as his weapon against the British colonial power. Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, the founder and Editor-in-Chief of the West African Pilot, was the first President of Nigeria and first Premier of the defunct Eastern Region. The first Premier of the defunct Western Region, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, was also a former reporter for the Daily Times and the founder of the Nigerian Tribune, now the oldest surviving privately owned newspaper group. The first and only Prime Minister of Nigeria, the late Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa was a broadcaster. We also had many top journalists who served during the First and Second Republics in important positions. Chief Anthony Enahoro, former editor of the Southern Nigerian Defender, was the hero who moved the motion for Self-Government for Nigeria in 1953. Enahoro later played a prominent role during the Nigerian Civil War and was the leader of the opposition National Democratic Coalition, which led the struggle against military dictatorship culminating in victory and the birth of democratic dispensation in 1999.The truth is that journalists have been involved in every important stage of Nigerian history. In the last struggle against military rule, many media houses were at the forefront of the struggle. Mention must be made of media houses like the TELL, The News, Punch, Guardian, African Concord, Newswatch and the National Concord. Many top journalists were sent to prison and many were hounded into involuntary exile. Some of our colleagues, like Baguada Kaltho of the TheNews paid the supreme sacrifice. Many journalists including the likes of Niran Malaolu, George Mba, Ben Charles Obi, Femi Ojudu, Onome Osifo-Whiskey, Nosa Igiebor, Soji Omotunde, Osa Director, Chris Anyanwu, Kolawole Ilori, Ayo Akinkuotu, Kunle Ajibade, Bayo Onanuga, Dele Omotunde, and many others suffered imprisonment, detention without trial, exile, persecution and brutalisation. In the end, our beloved country is now free from military rule and any form of tyranny. As we celebrate the 64th year of our independence, we should not forget also those heroes who made freedom from military rule possible. Without that freedom, we will not be gathered here today. If we dare, we can sure that operatives of the State Security would be waiting in the wings to take some people into detention.Now, our country is free from military rule; and we have elected leaders in charge of every layer of our country’s administration from the presidency to the local government councils. But our country is not free from socio-economic challenges and nowhere is more emblematic of this than the Nigerian newsrooms. In this discourse, I am going to refer to the traditional media; the newspapers, radio and television stations. The economic and social situation has affected the Nigerian media drastically. In 1966 Chief Osoba was a young reporter with the old Daily Times. He was assigned to go and cover the burial of Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa in Bauchi. Because of the urgency of the situation, he had to hire a small aircraft from Lagos that flew him to Bauchi. I don’t know which newspaper, radio or television station can afford that now. When I joined the Concord group of newspapers in 1982, our daily print run was more than 200,000 copies. During the editorship of Mr Gbolabo Ogunsanwo, the print run of the old Sunday Times was 600,000 copies. When we printed the first edition of Tell magazine in 1991, our first print run was 25,000. In my 15 years as an Executive Director of TELL, there were weeks when our print run exceeded 150,000 copies. Now the great times are past and we are worried.There is no need dwelling too long in the land of nostalgia. It is true that the traditional media have taken a beating from the new media during this Internet Age. This is the trend all over the world. But what has been a challenge in Europe, America and Asia is a disaster for us in Africa, particularly in Nigeria. I don’t know of any newspaper in Nigeria today that has a print run of more than 50,000 copies daily. Yet in this 2024, the print run of the Sunday Times of South Africa is now 500,000 copies. The Times of India is still circulating more than 2.8 million copies daily. The Yomiuri Shimbun in Japan have a daily circulation of more than 9.1 million copies. So, what is happening to us?There are many reasons for the downturn in the media. We lament about the trauma of the military years which has left us with many scars: the assassination of Dele Giwa, the first Editor-in-Chief of the old Newswatch, the attempted assassination of Mr Michael Ibru, the publisher of The Guardian, the imprisonment, the frame ups, the persecutions, the involuntary exiles, the hunting, the seizure of newspaper and magazine copies, the arsons against newspaper houses, the kidnapping and the harassments. Yes, these are serious things. But Israel and the Palestinians have been at war, alternated with armed peace, since 1948 and yet their media have grown since then. The Jerusalem Times has a circulation of more than 500,000 copies. Israel, if you must know, with a population of about 10 million people, is far smaller than Lagos State.We can also talk about the coming of the Internet Age. But it is clear that we are not more internet savvy than the Japanese or the South Koreans and Egyptians. Then what has happened to us? Why has our readers left us or why have we drifted away from our readers? The answers to these two questions are important and we want to hear from our media managers so that we can save the press and also rescue journalists and journalism from economic stranglehold. I may not know the answers to these two questions. But I can suggest some steps forward in the interest of the media and our country.The most important ingredient in any human endeavour is knowledge. This is more so in journalism. When Alhaji Jose decided that the Daily Times must be transformed into a modern media house, he invested in the recruitment of young educated persons. That was how people like Gbolabo Ogunsanwo, Araoye Oyebola, Segun Osoba, Tony Momoh, Femi Sonaike, Idowu Sobowale, Tunji Oseni and many others were recruited into the Daily Times. They were different from those who were trained in Fleet Street Journalism School, London. Now we need to invest in the training of journalists for the new age; those who can understand the transformation that is affecting the media landscape all over the world. It is when the media practitioner is educated that he can educate his audience. He must stay a step ahead of his readers and his listeners. He must know something about everything. The second step is that almost all surviving media houses need new investments. We can see that every year car manufacturers change their models. They add new things so that they can stay competitive in the market. We have seen that most media owners don’t want to put new investments in their establishment. They hardly buy new machines or invests in new skills. This is not right. Just as those who are producing carbonated drinks or beverages are always putting more money in research and new methods of production, the media should not lag behind in new investment. We have seen, with adequate investment, the television sector has been transformed with the emergence of new privately owned stations like AIT, Silverbird, TVC, Arise and Channels. These are significant results of adequate investments. However, we have not had such transformative investments in the newspaper and magazine sector.In the past, what transformed the Nigerian press into the giant of Africa was the involvement of the government. During the First Republic and up to the end of the Second Republic in 1983, the practice in Nigeria was that every senior public servant was entitled to at least one newspaper per day. In the old Western Region, every primary school was supplied with copies of Aworerin children magazine. Every secondary school had a library supplied with newspapers and magazines. In my school, Ife Anglican Grammar School, Ile-Ife of the 1970s, we were supplied with copies of newspapers like the Daily Times, Tribune, Sketch, New Nigerian, Observer, Chronicle, Herald and the Nigerian Standard. We had magazines like Time, Newsweek, African Film, Drum, Trust, Spear, Readers Digest, Headlines and Home Study. It was my exposure to these newspapers and magazines that inspired me to become a journalist.However, with the seizure of power by the military on December 31, 1983, the situation changed gradually for the worse. The new military regime cut down on the privilege of public officers to newspapers and magazines. This led to drastic reduction in the print run of media houses. By the coming of democracy in 1999, the practice of public officers having access to copies of newspapers and magazines have been stopped in most establishments. This stoppage was also copied by the private sector. Therefore, bank managers, factory foremen and sundry elites also stopped buying newspapers. Today, ignorance has become a fashionable pandemic in our country.Yet the country has no future if there is no serious investment in knowledge. Therefore, the Federal and state governments should go back to the old practice of creating access for government officials to get copies of newspapers and magazines. This will immediately boost the sales of copies of newspapers and magazines and it would help to inform the public about the activities of the government. This will indeed strengthen our democracy. But the republic would be in danger if the people are ignorant. An ignorant public can easily fall under the spell of falsehood and rumour and what has become commonly known as fake news. We cannot allow our country to be covered with the blanket of ignorance for that would endanger our democracy. The bulk of the assignment to rescue journalism from the thraldom of the challenging economic climate is with stakeholders in our profession. These are our colleagues in the Nigerian Union of Journalists, NUJ, the Guild of Editors, the Newspaper Proprietors Associations of Nigeria, NPAN, and the Broadcasting Organisation of Nigeria, BON. It is these organisations that can engage with the Federal and state governments to ensure that the old regime of supply of newspapers and magazines are restored to government establishments. It is also they who can reopen the old, almost forgotten cases of paper production in Nigeria. Today, an almost completed paper production industry is lying idle in the jungle of Iwopin, Ogun State and also Oku Iboku in Akwa-Ibom state. Millions of dollars have been sunk into these two industries and yet everyone is pretending that they don’t exist. It is time the NUJ and the NPAN raise the issue with the government. The cost of newspapers is prohibitive because every input into newspaper production is imported from other countries. The most important of these is the newsprint. Yet newsprints can be produced in Iwopin and Oku-Iboku. There was also the old paper mill at Jebba, Kwara State. There is no doubt that our country is passing through economic turbulence which is affecting the media seriously. Turbulence is part of existence. It is what propel societies to move forward and proffer solutions to problems. When the forefathers of Nigerian journalism gathered here in the 19th Century, it was to provide light, to dispel the darkness of ignorance. It is good we are drawing inspiration from this very spot where the light was ignited. From the light ignited here, every part of our country received light. Therefore, let us resolve to start applying solutions to make the journalists more secure and more prosperous in his job. One of the things the NUJ could do is that any media house that is employing at least 20 journalists must provide life insurance for them. This is the practice world-wide. Nigeria should not be an exception.There would be many things that would be affecting the fortunes of journalists in the new Internet Age. One is the growth of Citizen Journalism. There is hardly anything we can do about that. What we must focus on therefore is how to improve the quality and credibility of the traditional media so that Africa would not become the dumping ground of fake news and poisonous propaganda. You can imagine what has happened to the minds of some of our children that they would sell the houses of their parents and do unimaginable things so that they can finance their trips across the Sahara Desert to go to an uncertain future in Europe. In the past, Africans were taken by force to Europe to work as slaves in factories and farms. Today, the slaves pay their own fares.We who have not crossed the Mediterranean should be wary about some of our colleagues who have become enslaved by moral bankruptcy. They would not write a story or report an event unless they are bribed. They think journalism is an avenue for cheap money. Such moral bankruptcy is aided by the financial inability of many media houses to meet their obligations to their employees. This is a debilitating and corrosive situation that is digging at the foundation of journalism and undermining its professional integrity. I appeal to our leaders in the NUJ to confront this problem and reclaim the loss grounds of our professional reputation as the Fourth Estate of the Realm.We have a duty to create a future for journalism that would be better and greater than the past. At the height of his glory and power, Alhaji Babatunde Jose, the chairman and managing director of the Daily Times was said to have been offered the post of Prime-Minister in the military government of General Yakubu Gowon. That was in those days when diarchy, that is a combination of civilian and military regime, was being suggested for Nigeria. Jose was reported to have rejected the offer with the flat statement that “I would rather be the Managing Director of the Daily Times than be the Prime Minister of Nigeria.”Those were the days of yore. Now let us move forward to create a future greater and better than that past.

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OPINION

Kidnapping, Rising Underground Industry in Nigeria

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By Bankole T. James

As  President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration completes 15 months of cold, bitter and unforgiving governance in office, it is worthy to note that kidnapping and abduction is gradually becoming a major issue in Nigeria, while the Nigerian public, security experts, and policy-makers are grappling with the continuous surge in kidnapping and abduction cases.

  From a historical context, kidnapping/abduction is actually not a new thing, it has always been a troubling issue over the last two decades, particularly in the Niger Delta region.
But the situation, however, has spiraled out of control, evolving into an organised crime enterprise.

Today, kidnapping in Nigeria is no longer restricted to certain regions or political motivations, it has become an industry on its own, that is; an enterprise which is driven largely as a result of many factors.

Throughout the last 15 months of Tinubu’s administration, Nigeria has experienced several unsettling incidents of mass abductions, particularly in the Northern states such as Kaduna, Niger, and Zamfara, as well as in parts of the Southeast.

Nowadays, schools, highways, and even religious institutions are no longer safe, and there is the growing fear that has left Nigerians in a state of insecurity. From students and religious leaders to wealthy individuals and ordinary citizens, no one is exempted from the threats posed by organized kidnapping syndicates. As a result, I beg to ask the questions: how did we get here, and what, if anything, is changing?

From Boko Haram insurgency in the North-East to banditry and kidnapping in the North-West and North-Central regions, despite promises of enhancing military operations and intelligence by the Tinubu administration. “Security shall be the top priority of our administration because neither prosperity nor justice can prevail amidst insecurity and violence. To effectively tackle this menace, we shall reform both our security doctrine and its architecture. We shall invest more in our security personnel, and this means more than an increase in number.

We shall provide better training, equipment, pay, and firepower,” President Bola Tinubu vowed during his inaugural speech on 29 May, 2023. Fifteen months after he (President Tinubu) made this statement, based on the findings by PUNCH, about 2,140 people were reported kidnapped across 24 states of the country between January and July 2024. Between the months of January and July, gunmen have reportedly kidnapped 193 people in January, 101 in February, 543 in March, 112 in April, 977 in May, 97 in June, and 117 in July, totalling 2,140. Between January 4 and 5, 85 travelers were abducted along the Kaduna-Abuja highway near Katari, in the Kachia Local Government Area of Kaduna State. On February 1, a terrorist group kidnapped about 60 wedding guests who were escorting a bride home in the Sabuwa Local Government Area of Katsina State.

On Thursday, March 7, 280 pupils and teachers of Government Secondary School and LEA Primary School at Kuriga, Kaduna State, were abducted by bandits. That same month, terrorists kidnapped 87 people after launching a fresh attack on the Kajuru-Station community in the Kajuru Local Government Area of Kaduna State. On April, 30, children were kidnapped at Kasai village in Batsari Local Government Area of Katsina State. On May 24, bandits abducted no fewer than 200 resident members of the Kuchi community in the Munya Local Government Area of Niger State. In June, terrorists kidnapped 20 travelers along the Maiduguri-Kano Highway.

On September 2, Suspected pirates abducted 10 passengers from a boat traveling in the Bonny waterway, Rivers State. On September 4, gunmen abduct Oyo State governor Makinde’s aide, PDP chieftain Akika from home. On September 5, a senior nursing staff member of Babcock University Teaching Hospital, Mrs. Elizabeth Uruakpa, 66, was abducted by unknown gunmen in Ilisan Remo, Ogun State. Also, about 28 people were reportedly abducted by a group of terrorists at Tsanu village in the Talata Mafara Local Government Area of Zamfara State on September 6.

At this point, it will be so absurd to sideline the costly effect of the Tinubu’s administration, a crawling economic landscape that is grappling with record inflation, rising unemployment, and an increasing cost of living crisis. Although the Tinubu administration might have inherited an economy struggling with the aftershocks of COVID-19 and the global downturn, the removal of fuel subsidies, though aimed at long-term economic relief, has just worsened the immediate financial burden on many Nigerians. However, as far as I’m concerned, this is one of the most unwise political decisions ever made by a statesman. 

It is already an established fact that Nigeria’s worsening insecurity is driven as a results of economic stagnation, leading more people to resort to kidnapping for survival as the pool of high-net-worth individuals shrinks. Hardship in Nigeria is like a national cake that is being served on everyone’s table, and everyone is definitely having their own share of it. The situation in the country is looking dicey, and it seems the country is governed by terrorists, bandits and kidnappers. The rate of kidnapping and abduction is beyond alarming.

Desperation, coupled with the lack of legitimate economic opportunities has driven many young people to resort to criminal activities, including kidnapping and abduction, which guarantees a quick and substantial financial gain, has become the latest means of survival for many of them. According to Nairametrics, a new report by SBM Intelligence reveals that Nigerians have paid around N1.048 billion as ransom to kidnappers between July 2023 and June 2024. “But unlike Boko Haram, those carrying out many of the recent kidnappings are not driven by a political or religious cause, their primary motivation is money.

Authorities do not usually manage to apprehend kidnappers, but on rare occasions when they do, these criminals are often revealed to be ordinary people with families, jobs, or even university students. For some, kidnapping has become a desperate means of survival.” said Nigerian novelist Adaobi Tricia Nwaubani in The Sunday Times. Evidently, the structural conditions of Nigeria, marked by high inflation, unemployment, and poverty have fuelled the rise of kidnapping as a “career” for many disenfranchised youths. 

For many, this is not a last resort but rather an intentional decision driven by the need for economic survival in a country where the state has failed to provide adequate opportunities for the majority of its citizens.

Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation and fourth-largest economy is grappling with a persistent kidnapping, an underground industry that has left countless lives devastated. Killings and abductions have become tragically a daily routine, affecting every corner of the country, but I beg to ask – how did we get here?

Surprisingly, these kidnappers are not just demanding ransom, they demand in-kind payments from the families of victims ranging from food, drinks and other items. This proves that people are hungry. The country’s hunger strike where food prices have skyrocketed has created no other options for the lazy and less privileges ones other than to resort to crimes, a condition for kidnapping. Once again, I beg to ask – how did we get here?

The way forward? I honestly do not have any proposed solution as regards this current situationship because terrorism is like a worm that has eaten into our fabric as a society, but I do think if things can at least go back to the old days, when Nigeria was still affordable and less expensive, when people still dear to dream and hope for a better tomorrow, the urge and drive for kidnapping and terrorism might reduce a little bit. 

This does not suggest that terrorism and kidnapping will cease but at least when there’s food on our table to eat, and the ambassadors of poverty are greedy but still care enough to do their duty and responsibility to the masses,  then a meaningful solution can be put in place to address the issue of terrorism and kidnapping.

Here’s my closing remark. Nigeria is a movie, but with an elaborate theme of absurdity. A paradox of a nation flowing with milk and honey where the countrymen are hungry. Nigeria is a fraction of prosperity and negativity,  an inside joke, and a caricature of itself. A one chance on a roller coaster, you can’t move, you can’t stop it, you can’t get out and if you get out, brother man stay out cause my country is a gamble between life and death. A jungle where dogs lead dogs and brothers cause their brothers to stumble.James writes in via taiwobankole438@gmail.com

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