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The PIA and Oil Company Divestments: A Time to Act

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By Kome Odhomor

Health of Mother Earth Foundation (HOMEF) and We the People invited Niger Delta communities and civil society activists to a one-day conversation on the recently approved Nigerian Petroleum Industry Act.

The event which held at the Ken Saro Wiwa foundation innovation Hub in Port Harcourt provided an open space to discuss recent happenings around divestments, where the biggest oil companies in the Niger Delta are selling off their assets and going farther offshore.

In his opening presentation, Nnimmo Bassey, Director of the Health of Mother Earth Foundation stated that from the start, the business of oil extraction operated as a mix of corporate greed and state backed repression.

While it is important that people living in locations where investors, governments or institutions carry out projects cts are consulted, in
the Niger Delta, this has never been the case. The free, prior and informed consent of the people have never been sought or received. These relations of production have remained largely the same from pre-colonial to colonial and present neo-colonial times.

Even in decisions regarding investments, development, or even infrastructural projects, there is wilful neglect and refusal to consult or engage the people in decision making processes. Projects are often thrown at communities even when they are not the priority needs of the people. Little wonder that the projects get abandoned during construction or are left to rot after completion.

All efforts to placate and assuage the massive harms inflicted on the Niger Delta has been carried out through various means including oil company driven Memoranda of Understanding with communities, and various government interventions through agencies such as Niger Delta Development Board (NDDB) established in 1961, the Niger Delta Basin and Rural Development Authority (NDBRDA) established in 1976, the Oil Mineral Producing Areas Development Commission (OMPADEC) established in 1992, the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF) in 1995,  Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) established in 2000 and the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs created in 2008. These bandages have only sought to cover up festering wounds, without dealing with the fundamental ailments that over six decades of disastrous exploitation has wrought. And they have mostly failed.

With over 1,481 wells, 275 flow stations, over 7,000 kilometres length of oil/gas pipelines and over 120 gas flare furnaces, the Niger Delta is an ecological bomb and one of the most polluted places in the world. Nnimmo Bassey called on the people of the region to rise and demand ecological justice.

In his presentation, Ken Henshaw of We the People reflected on Nigeria’s Petroleum Industry Act and the new frenzied divestment moves by oil companies. According to him, while the PIA establishes a Host Communities development framework to transfer benefits to communities, it doesn’t however allow communities any decent participation in managing the fund, or even determining who runs the trust. Oil companies are given overriding powers to manage the 3% of operational costs contributed to the trust in any manner they deem appropriate; as well as determine which communities qualify to be ‘hosts’. Similarly, the managers of the funds are not even required by the PIA to be from the host communities.

In an outrageous demonstration of the criminalization of communities, the PIA says; “Where in any year, an act of vandalism, sabotage or other civil unrest occurs that causes damage to petroleum and designated facilities or disrupts production activities within the host community, the community shall forfeit its entitlement to the extent of the cost of repairs of the damage that resulted from the activity with respect to the provisions of this Act within that financial year”

This provision stems directly from the erroneous view which has been peddled by oil companies that communities are responsible for sabotage on pipelines and oil theft. However, these view has been debunked by the NNPC and even the United Nations Environment Programme. Both blame equipment failure for majority of spills. Criminalizing oil producing communities in this regard is unfortunate and a smokescreen to shield oil companies from responsibility for the ongoing ecocide in the region. This provision will most likely result in consistent denial of benefits which would in turn engender regular conflicts.

On gas flaring, while the PIA makes it illegal, it nonetheless creates a series of exemptions which ensures that the same gas flare regime continues literarily unchecked, and empowers the government to give licenses to oil companies to flare. The PIA also does not state a definite date for ending gas flaring. Given the health and environmental challenges associated with gas flaring, this is an unfortunately onslaught on the ecology and health of the people of the region.

Surprisingly, fines for gas flaring will not directly benefit communities that suffer the impacts. While sections 52 and 104 says that fines for flaring will be used for environmental and health remediation, it prescribes that such payments be made not to the host communities, but to an agency it establishes called the Midstream and Downstream Gas Infrastructure Fund. In actual fact, this Agency has no mandate or function related to environmental remediation. Evidently, the Act considers gas flaring a waste of economic resources which should be paid for, and not an abuse which is impacting the climate, the health and livelihoods of communities.

One of the key issues in the PIA is the framework for the utilization 30% of NNPC profits for oil exploration in so-called frontier basins. While the Act expects the NNPC to become a profit-making enterprise, it already dedicates a hefty chunk of its expected profit into the search for additional crude oil. The fact that public resources have to be spent in this effort is indicative that oil companies around the world do not consider this a worthwhile investment. Rather than spend so much of the expected profits of NNPC on exploring for oil in unlikely places, we reckon that the government considers investing the same percentage of NNPC profits in generating clean and affordable energy for Nigerians, or even supporting an environmental remediation fund aimed at remediating years of pollution, livelihood loses and health impacts of oil extraction.

Sadly, it is noteworthy that the entire PIA expresses no intention for moving Nigerian away from dependence on fossils. At a time when the world is moving away from crude oil, the PIA plans to make more investments in that regard. This indicates that the government is not keeping in tandem with global trends and unperturbed by concerns of global warming and climate change. Ironically, Nigeria is emerging as one of the most impacted countries globally by the effects of climate change. The shrunken Lake Chad, increased desertification and the regular floods around the Atlantic coast are ready evidences. That the PIA pays no heed to issues of climate change, despite Nigeria’s NDCs, and aims to plunge the country further into fossil extraction is a major source of concern.

The meeting also expressed concern over the emerging shifts from oil and the fate of oil producing communities.

After over 70 years of oil extraction and the devastating impacts it has had on oil producing communities, there are indications that the most complicit oil companies are leaving. And new pressures are emerging from their divestment. The biggest multinational player in Nigeria’s oil and gas sector, and also the most culpable in several years of oil pollution and rights abuses, Shell plans to divest its entire Nigeria joint venture portfolio and make a ‘clean break from Niger Delta assets’.  In 2022, Nigerian independent oil and gas company, Seplat Energy Plc informed the public through a statement that it had acquired ExxonMobil’s Nigerian shallow water business.

As companies divest, local players take over oil assets and immediately deny responsibility for historical damages. For oil producing and impacted communities, divestment means more remote possibilities of holding corporations accountable for pollution, as well as fewer economic opportunities for communities. As companies divest, the Nigerian government keeps failing to establishing frameworks or policies for addressing community concerns. According to the head of NNPC, ‘will ensure that Nigeria’s National strategic interest is safeguarded, by developing a Comprehensive Divestment Policy’. No such plan has been put in place.

For the ecologically devastated communities of the Niger Delta, no hurried divestment by transnational oil companies will be tolerated without restoration of their environment and livelihoods. For them, the definition of just transition has to include repairing the damage occasioned by oil pollution, an audit of the health of the people and a plan to respond to the threats posed by climate change. A just transition must also provide justice for the countless victims of oil company inspired and state sanctioned abuses, and reparations to the people of the Niger Delta for decades of expropriation. Anything short of these is injustice.

Kome Odhomor
Media/Communication Lead

FEATURES

Nigeria at 66: Leaders are Human, But Accountability is Non-negotiable

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By Aderonke Ojediran

As Nigeria marks its 66th Independence anniversary, the debate over leadership, public trust and accountability remains central to the country’s democratic experience.

For citizens, the question is not simply whether political leaders make mistakes.

It is also about how they respond when they do, how they explain their decisions and whether they remain accountable to the people they serve.

This debate has recently been brought into sharper focus by comments from Lagos Deputy Governor, Dr Obafemi Hamzat, who is also the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship candidate for the 2027 election.

From housing and the cost of accommodation to Lagos’ notorious traffic, some of Hamzat’s public comments have generated criticism and discussion, raising a broader question.

Must a leader always say the right thing, make the right decision and satisfy every public expectation to be considered worthy of leadership?

The question goes beyond one politician or one election.

Obviously, it touches on the difficult balance between citizens’ expectations and the realities of governing a population of millions, with competing needs, interests and circumstances.

Mr Emmanuel Okara, a sports analyst, believes leaders are human, but accountability remains non-negotiable.

The challenge, therefore, is to distinguish between an honest mistake, poor judgment, a legitimate change of position and a failure to act in the public interest.

According to Mr Dipo Ishola, a retiree, politicians should be held accountable for actions taken while in office because they are custodians of public trust and resources.

His position reflects a basic principle of democratic governance: public office is not merely a position of authority. It is a responsibility exercised on behalf of citizens.

Political leaders make decisions that affect the cost of living, employment, education, healthcare, housing, transportation and the general welfare of the population.

Their words and actions therefore attract greater scrutiny.

As Ishola noted, words spoken by private citizens can carry greater significance when expressed by people entrusted with public responsibility.

Mr Taiwo Olapade, a political analyst and Lagos resident, similarly said politicians were often held to higher standards because of the responsibilities entrusted to them and the public resources under their control.

He said government policies should ultimately improve citizens’ lives, although their effects might not be distributed equally.

According to him, leaders should be prepared to make difficult decisions when necessary, but should also explain the reasons for those decisions and their expected long-term benefits.

He added that governments should regularly review policies to ensure that they remained relevant to citizens’ needs.

Nigeria’s long-running debate over fuel subsidy removal provides one example.

In January 2012, the administration of former President Goodluck Jonathan announced the removal of the petrol subsidy, triggering nationwide protests and opposition from labour unions, civil society groups and political actors.

Tinubu, then a prominent opposition politician and former Lagos governor, was among those who criticised the policy and supported opposition to the removal.

On May 29, 2023, however, Tinubu, in his inaugural address as president, announced that the petrol subsidy was gone.

His administration subsequently defended the reform as necessary to address fiscal pressures and pursue longer-term economic changes.

The two episodes occurred under different administrations and in different economic circumstances.

They nevertheless provide a useful illustration of a recurring question in politics: Can a position opposed under one administration become justifiable under another?

Mr Lanre Adewole, a member of the Obafemi Hamzat Advisory Council, believes politicians can legitimately change their positions when they gain a better understanding of an issue or are presented with compelling evidence.

Adewole said historical perspectives and precedents should guide governments when explaining policies whose immediate effects might be difficult for citizens to bear.

He also stressed the importance of palliative measures to cushion the effects of economic reforms, including subsidy removal.

“The legitimacy of a decision depends not only on the intentions behind it but also on the evidence supporting it, its implementation and its consequences.

He nonetheless noted that describing a decision as necessary or beneficial in the long term “does not, by itself, make it a sound policy.”

According to Adewole, unpopular decisions can be justified where government has credible evidence that they are likely to address a difficult problem and produce broader benefits.

The important distinction, he said, was between a policy that was unpopular because it tackled a difficult problem and one that was unpopular because it was poorly designed, inadequately explained or unfairly implemented.

The Lagos conversation where housing costs and traffic congestion are part of the daily experience of many residents, comments by political office holders about these issues can quickly become matters of public debate.

Hamzat’s advice to young workers struggling with high rents to consider living with parents or relatives, sharing accommodation or choosing housing they can afford has attracted criticism as well as discussion about the realities of housing in Lagos.

The deputy governor was reported to have also advised residents not to spend more than 40 per cent of their income on rent.

Some may view the advice as practical in a city where accommodation is expensive. Others may argue that personal financial discipline does not address the structural problem of housing affordability.

Both perspectives point to a wider question: what policies can make decent housing more accessible to workers whose incomes have not kept pace with rents?

The issue goes beyond where an individual chooses to live. It involves housing supply, land costs, wages, transportation, urban planning and the broader cost of living.

A similar debate followed Hamzat’s description of Lagos traffic as a “lifestyle” during an appearance at Podfest Naija.

He was speaking in the context of Lagos’ creative industry and how commuters consume podcasts and other content while travelling.

Following criticism of the comment, Hamzat said the remark had been taken out of context and explained that he was discussing how traffic had become part of the daily experience of many Lagos residents.

For commuters, however, traffic is more than a cultural experience.

It can mean late arrival at work, reduced family time, additional transport costs, fatigue and lost productivity.

That is why the broader discussion should also consider practical solutions, including public transportation, road infrastructure, traffic management and urban planning.

Public comments should be assessed in context, but context should not prevent citizens from asking whether leaders adequately understand the problems they are addressing.

A politician’s choice of words may reveal a weakness in communication without necessarily providing a complete picture of the person’s approach to governance.

Conversely, a well-expressed statement does not automatically demonstrate effective leadership.

The more substantive question is whether a leader can translate an understanding of citizens’ problems into workable policies and measurable improvements.

Okara, the sports analyst, argued that leaders in government and business should be willing to make difficult or unpopular decisions where the long-term benefits justified them.

He said such leaders must communicate with the people and explain the expected benefits of their decisions.

He further argued that human beings were capable of changing as they learn and gain new experiences and that individuals should not be judged solely by the baggage of past controversies.

For Toyin Onigbanjo, founder of August Secrets, governance remained a collective responsibility.

That perspective recognises the role of citizens, public institutions, civil society, businesses and other stakeholders in promoting effective governance.

According to her, citizens often look to leaders for solutions to problems that have accumulated over many years.

The expectation can sometimes approach a demand for perfection, as though political office should eliminate ordinary human weaknesses such as uncertainty, error or changing judgment.

But political leaders are not religious figures, because they exercise public authority within institutions and should therefore be assessed against the responsibilities attached to public office.

Political leadership should not depend on unquestioning admiration or personal loyalty.

A leader should be able to make a mistake without every action being dismissed. At the same time, a leader should be expected to acknowledge errors and accept responsibility for their consequences.

The humanity of a leader may help explain a mistake. It does not automatically excuse it.

Beyond one comment

As Nigeria marks 66 years of independence, the question of leadership remains closely connected to the expectations citizens have of the state and those who govern it.

The anniversary offers an opportunity to reflect not only on Nigeria’s political journey but also on the responsibilities that accompany public office and citizenship.

In his 2026 Independence Day address, President Bola Tinubu described the anniversary as an opportunity to reflect on Nigeria’s journey and the difficult choices made in recent years.

He also said the government’s focus should now be on turning economic reforms into broadly shared prosperity.

For citizens, expectations remain straightforward: public institutions should be responsive, public resources should be responsibly managed and government decisions should ultimately improve people’s lives.

In return, public officials are expected to demonstrate integrity, transparency and a willingness to account for their actions.

The challenge is to ensure that criticism of leaders is based on evidence rather than personal dislike, while also ensuring that appeals for understanding do not become a shield against legitimate scrutiny.

The same standard should apply regardless of party affiliation, political popularity or past controversy.

With the 2027 governorship election approaching, discussions about political leadership in Lagos are likely to intensify.

Hamzat has already unveiled a development agenda focused on areas including job creation, infrastructure, education, healthcare and security.

The debate surrounding his public comments therefore provides an opportunity to consider how voters assess candidates whose statements may attract both support and criticism.

One comment, taken in isolation, may not adequately establish a candidate’s overall approach to governance.

Equally, a public statement should not be dismissed simply because it comes from a politician whom someone supports.

A fuller assessment requires attention to a candidate’s public record, policy proposals, understanding of the state’s challenges, approach to accountability and explanation of how proposed solutions would be implemented.

Citizens may also ask whether a candidate has demonstrated the ability to listen to criticism, respond to public concerns and adjust policies when evidence shows that changes are necessary.

These questions are particularly relevant in Lagos, where housing affordability, transportation, waste management, flooding, employment and access to public services affect residents in different ways.

The task is not to demand that a candidate be perfect. No leader can reasonably satisfy every citizen or avoid every error.

The more practical question is whether the person seeking public office is willing to listen, learn, explain decisions, correct mistakes and remain accountable to the people.

Democracy does not require citizens to regard politicians as saints. Neither does it require them to accept every explanation offered by those in power.

It requires citizens to distinguish between personality and performance, promises and results, a genuine change of position and an unexplained contradiction.

It also requires political leaders to recognise that public office comes with obligations that go beyond personal intentions or the popularity of their statements.

A difficult decision should be supported by evidence and clearly explained.

A policy that causes hardship should come with a credible explanation of its purpose, expected benefits and consequences.

A mistake should remain open to scrutiny, while a change of position should be explained.

Ultimately, the question is not whether a leader can avoid every error or satisfy every citizen. No leader can reasonably guarantee either.

The more important question is whether the leader is willing to listen, learn, explain decisions, correct mistakes and remain accountable to the people.

As Nigerians reflect on 66 years of independence and Lagos residents prepare to make political choices in 2027, the challenge is to look beyond isolated comments without ignoring them, test claims against evidence and assess candidates by their records, proposals and willingness to answer for their actions.

The ballot box is not a search for a saint. It is a decision about who should be entrusted with public power and who will be held accountable for how that power is used.(NAN)

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NSIA’s Healthcare Journey: From Vision to Measurable Impact

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By Tony Obiechina

At the Nigeria Sovereign Investment Authority NSIA), the mandate to deploy patient capital is anchored in a clear objective: to invest in sectors capable of delivering both long-term commercial returns and measurable national impact.

Few sectors embody this dual imperative more clearly than healthcare.

NSIA’s entry into healthcare was therefore guided by a straightforward but ambitious proposition: that high-quality healthcare services—many of which were previously inaccessible in Nigeria or available primarily through overseas treatment—could be made more accessible and affordable within the country.

This ambition led to the establishment of NSIA Advanced Medical Services Limited (“MedServe”), the Authority’s wholly owned healthcare subsidiary, with a strategic focus on advancing oncology, diagnostics and, subsequently, other specialised medical services across Nigeria.

Building on this foundation, Aminu Umar-Sadiq, Managing Director & Chief Executive Officer at NSIA  has placed healthcare investment within a broader institutional framework—one that goes beyond the development of individual facilities to building sustainable healthcare capacity, strengthening local expertise, and creating platforms capable of delivering measurable outcomes over the long term.

Through MedServe, NSIA has translated this strategic vision into operational healthcare infrastructure with national significance.

The MedServe–LUTH Cancer Centre (MLCC) in Lagos, commissioned in May 2019, became the first oncology centre in Nigeria to offer 3D Conformal Radiotherapy and today houses the largest concentration of radiotherapy equipment in West Africa.

The centre’s strategic value became particularly evident during the COVID-19 pandemic, when international travel restrictions significantly constrained access to overseas medical treatment. At a critical moment for patients requiring specialised care, MLCC provided continuity of advanced cancer treatment within Nigeria, demonstrating the importance of resilient domestic healthcare capacity.

This investment has been complemented by the MedServe Kano Diagnostic Centre (MKDC) and the MedServe Umuahia Diagnostic Centre (MUDC), which introduced advanced radiology and pathology services to regions where such capabilities had previously been limited or unavailable.

The results are both substantial and measurable. Since inception, MLCC has delivered more than 25,000 radiotherapy sessions and 10,000 chemotherapy treatments to approximately 15,000 unique patients. The centre has also recorded instances of reversed medical tourism, with Nigerians being referred from overseas providers on account of the quality and cost-effectiveness of services available locally.

Treatment costs remain significantly below comparable international services, in many cases at less than half the cost of treatment abroad. It is estimated that these interventions have prevented more than US$200 million in foreign exchange outflows that would otherwise have been associated with overseas treatment and related expenses.

Across Kano and Umuahia, more than 410,000 patients had received pathology and radio diagnostic services by December 2025, supporting earlier detection, contributing to improved clinical decision-making and patient outcomes.

These figures represent more than service volumes. They demonstrate healthcare capacity built locally, specialised skills retained within the country, and tangible value delivered to Nigerians.

Building a Sustainable Oncology Ecosystem

Sustainable healthcare transformation requires more than physical infrastructure. It depends on an ecosystem in which infrastructure is supported by human capital development, clinical research, knowledge transfer and integration with leading international institutions.

Recognising that oncology remains an emerging specialty in Nigeria, NSIA, through MedServe, adopted a holistic approach centred on three priorities: developing a pipeline of skilled oncology professionals; strengthening clinical research and trial capacity tailored to African populations; and establishing partnerships with leading global medical institutions.

As part of this effort, MedServe instituted an annual Oncology Summit to bring together clinicians, researchers, regulators and academics, creating a platform for knowledge exchange, professional development and collaboration.

MedServe has also established partnerships with globally respected institutions, including Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center, the University of Maryland Medical Center and Bio Ventures for Global Health. These collaborations are helping expand access to clinical trials and innovative approaches in oncology, radiology and pathology.

To date, MedServe has participated in two global cancer trials focused on prostate and breast cancer—an important step towards strengthening Nigeria’s role in international clinical research and ensuring that evidence generated through global healthcare innovation is increasingly relevant to African populations.

This ecosystem-led approach reflects the broader investment philosophy championed under Aminu Umar-Sadiq’s leadership: that sustainable impact is achieved not simply by deploying capital into assets, but by creating the institutional, technical and human-capital foundations required for those assets to deliver value over generations.

Expanding National Access: The Next Phase

Building on the outcomes achieved to date, MedServe has embarked on a structured expansion of its healthcare footprint across 13 states.

The expansion is designed to balance established urban centres—including Lagos, the Federal Capital Territory and Kaduna—with other participating states such as Oyo, Sokoto, Delta and Yobe. The objective is to bring specialised diagnostic and treatment capabilities closer to more Nigerians while creating a more geographically diversified healthcare network.

The next phase comprises the development of 13 new diagnostic centres, three additional oncology centres and three cardiac catheterisation laboratories, introducing cardiology as a new service line within the MedServe platform.

Scale, however, must be accompanied by operational resilience. To this end, MedServe has established long-term partnerships with global equipment manufacturers Siemens and GE. These partnerships cover equipment supply, maintenance, training and bulk procurement efficiencies, supporting high service uptime, consistent quality and the long-term sustainability of the expanding network.

The financing structure supporting this expansion is equally significant. In line with NSIA’s mandate to mobilise capital and catalyse foreign investment, MedServe secured up to US$24.3 million in blended financing from the International Finance Corporation (IFC) and the International Development Association (IDA).

The financing represents an innovative approach to healthcare investment, helping to lower the cost of capital while supporting affordability and demonstrating growing multilateral confidence in Nigeria’s healthcare sector.

With the commissioning of new centres scheduled to commence from mid-2026, NSIA, through MedServe, remains focused on expanding equitable access to high-quality healthcare services across Nigeria.

The country’s healthcare narrative must continue to evolve. It should no longer be defined predominantly by outbound medical tourism, but increasingly by domestic resilience, expanding capacity and measurable national capability.

The ambition is not simply to build more healthcare facilities. It is to demonstrate that world-class, dignified and accessible healthcare can be developed, operated and sustained in Nigeria.

The journey remains ongoing, but the direction is clear. Through disciplined capital deployment, strategic partnerships, long-term institutional commitment and strong execution, NSIA will continue to support the development of healthcare infrastructure capable of serving both the current and future generations of Nigerians.

For NSIA, the measure of success ultimately extends beyond the infrastructure delivered. It lies in the capacity created, the patients served, the expertise retained, the investment attracted and the extent to which Nigeria’s healthcare system becomes stronger, more resilient and increasingly capable of meeting the needs of its people at home.

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Presidential Media Team’s Road Journey and Reality of Benue’s Security Narrative

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By Rotimi Ijikanmi

For four days, the road into Benue became a moving test of perception, with a presidential media team traversing routes once feared for attacks, without incident.

The Renewed Hope Ambassadors Presidential Media Team, led by Mr Bayo Onanuga, the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, embarked on the journey on Aug.

5.

The mission was to inspect Federal Government and state infrastructure projects across Nasarawa and Benue states, but the journey also offered an opportunity to test prevailing narratives about insecurity.

The journey also unfolded against sustained Federal Government efforts under President Bola Tinubu to strengthen security nationwide through expanded deployments, intelligence, recruitment and inter-agency coordination.

The team travelled from Abuja to Makurdi, then ventured into interior communities and remote locations where reports of attacks by bandits, kidnappers and other criminal elements had previously generated concerns.

No fewer than 40 senior editors,, social media handlers,  cameramen, photographers and other support staff members from the Presidential Villa joined the journey, making the convoy a sizeable travelling media contingent.

Among the officials were Mr Tunde Rahman, Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Special Duties; Mr Tope Ajayi, Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity, Director in the Villa Media Unit, Mr Abiodun Oladunjoye.

Others included Mr Abdulaziz Abdulaziz, Senior Special Assistant on Print Media; Mr Otega Ogra, Senior Special Assistant on Digital Media; and Ms Linda Akhigbe, Senior Special Assistant on Strategic Communication.

The first leg of the journey provided an immediate indication of changing conditions along the Abuja-Makurdi corridor, where improved road infrastructure has transformed travel on sections once associated with delays and hazards.

The reconstructed highway now offers wider lanes, improved shoulders, safer overtaking opportunities and better traffic flow, reducing motorists’ exposure to isolated bottlenecks and prolonged stops.

The road, a major gateway linking the Federal Capital Territory with Benue and the South-East, carries passengers, agricultural produce, fuel, livestock and other goods across the region.

The journey continued beyond Makurdi to Taraku Mill in Gwer East Local Government Area, Otobi Water Works and Treatment Plant, Benue Brewery and other infrastructure sites.

These locations, some situated away from major urban centres, offered another opportunity to assess the security situation beyond the main highways.

The team also inspected the ongoing 258-kilometre Makurdi-Otukpo-Enugu highway and travelled through the Aliade-Oju axis, areas where insecurity had previously affected movement and economic activities.

At Buruku, the team visited the ongoing bridge project across the Katsina-Ala River, a location historically associated with dangerous river crossings and significant loss of lives.

Mr Raymond Aondoakura, Chairman of Buruku Local Government, said almost 200 people had reportedly died in boat mishaps on the river within three years.

The ongoing bridge, therefore, represents more than infrastructure.

It is expected to eliminate a dangerous crossing, improve movement and connect communities previously constrained by geography and inadequate transportation links.

For the presidential media team, however, the significance of the journey extended beyond the projects inspected.

It provided an opportunity to experience directly a security environment often portrayed as uniformly dangerous across Benue and other parts of the North Central.

For four days, the team travelled through several locations without an attack or security incident, an experience that appeared to contrast with perceptions of pervasive insecurity.

The experience does not mean security challenges have disappeared from Benue, but it suggests that the situation may be more nuanced than broad descriptions of the state as entirely unsafe.

Across the North-West, the Tinubu’s administration has sustained Operation Fansan Yamma and intensified joint operations against bandit camps and kidnapping networks in Zamfara, Sokoto, Katsina, Kebbi and neighbouring states.

Gov. Hyacinth Alia has also pointed to improving security as evidence of changing conditions, particularly the gradual return of displaced residents to their ancestral communities.

During a media chat with the team, Alia disclosed plans to close some Internally Displaced Persons’ camps because occupants had voluntarily returned to their homes in order to farm.

The governor said 15 IDP camps had been established following attacks and displacement, but improved security was enabling many residents to return and rebuild their livelihoods.

He said security agencies, traditional institutions and residents were monitoring developments across the state, while the government continued working with international organisations to achieve durable returns.

The changing security picture is also reflected in renewed economic activity, as government revives abandoned industries and improves roads connecting farms, markets and production centres.

At Taraku, the government is reviving a N70 billion mill that had remained moribund for about 40 years, with the facility expected to process soybean, maize and animal feed.

The mill’s General Manager, Mr Terngwu Kyuve, said the facility could create no fewer than 2,000 direct and indirect jobs when fully operational.

Such investments require security because factories cannot thrive where workers, investors, farmers and transporters fear travelling to production locations.

Similarly, improved roads are helping farmers move produce faster, reducing journey times and limiting the prolonged exposure to isolated stretches that can heighten vulnerability.

The evidence from the road journey, therefore, points to a gradual change rather than a complete victory over insecurity.

Benue still faces security challenges, but improved roads, increased movement, government intervention and returning residents suggest that the state’s security narrative is evolving.

For the presidential media team, the four-day journey became an unconventional field test and evidence that the state is moving beyond its troubled past.

The experience also underscored the connection between security and development.

Roads, bridges, industries and economic opportunities can strengthen communities while reducing isolation that often creates vulnerabilities.

As the convoy returned after traversing highways, bridges, industrial sites and interior communities without incident, one conclusion stood out: Benue’s security story may no longer be as bleak as commonly portrayed.(NAN)

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