NEWS
The Recent Elections in FCT, Kano and Rivers
By Reuben Abati
The elections, held over the weekend, Saturday, 21 February, were interesting for the obvious reason that they were clearly the litmus test cases for the Electoral Act, 2026, which was signed into law by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on Tuesday, 18 February.
The President had promised last week that we were “all going to see democracy flourish” and Senate President Godswill Akpabio added that the amendments to the Electoral Act 2022 will “enable us to conduct free and fair elections in Nigeria that will be acceptable to the international community and all Nigerians, that will meet the yearnings and aspirations of all Nigerians as democrats.
” The major bone of contention in passing the new law was Section 60 (3), on whether or not the best deal for Nigeria would be the mandatory, real time electronic transmission of results from the polling unit to the INEC Results Viewing Portal (IREV). After much controversy, the National Assembly chose a hybrid format: manual and electronic, which in real terms does not appear new, or revolutionary.The underlying principle remained the same nonetheless: to ensure the integrity, transparency and accountability of the electoral process and rebuild confidence and trust. The test came, just three days after the President gave his assent, in the shape of elections.
In Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), elections were held in the six municipal areas to elect six chairmen and 62 councillors. In Rivers State, there were by-elections to fill two vacant seats in the House of Assembly – Ahoada East II and Khana II state constituencies, and in Kano, two more seats also needed to be filled, the previous occupiers having died – Kano Municipal and Ungogo constituencies. Did the elections give the impression of a flourishing democracy? Can the elections be considered acceptable to all Nigerians? Did they meet “the yearnings and aspirations of all Nigerians as democrats?” The obvious answer is in the negative.
The elections have ignited fears and anxieties about what to expect in the general elections of 2027; they have raised questions about the electoral process, in terms of management, and the role of stakeholders – the electoral commission(INEC), state actors, security agencies, political parties and the voting public, as well as the credibility of results. In an earlier commentary in this column titled, “Senate and the Electoral Act amendment”, I concluded by saying that “the best electoral framework can be designed with good intentions; it would take more than an amended Electoral Act to prevent electoral fraud.”
Civil society activists, the opposition, and many Nigerians were not convinced that the Electoral Act 2026 was the best for Nigeria, nor did anyone assume that it would end up as the magic cure for electoral malpractices. The cynics have just been proven right, as it would appear that nothing has changed.
In Abuja, the FCT, the results, as announced, showed the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) winning in five of the six municipal areas: Abuja Municipal, Bwari, Kwali, Abaji and Kuje.
The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) won in Gwagwalada. Dr Gbenga Olawepo-Hashim, a PDP chieftain, has said that the PDP’s victory is a clear indication of the party’s resurgence. Others claim that the APC deliberately allowed the PDP to win in at least one area council to give the impression that there was actually a fair competition for the people’s votes.
The truth lies elsewhere. The PDP was able to win in Gwagwalada because the APC candidate who got 17, 788 votes does not have as much local support as the winner, Mohammed Kasim of the PDP. Other political parties performed poorly in all the area councils, because they did not have strong structures on the ground.
The ADC in particular, ran a disorganised, discordant, campaign driven more by the personalities and ambitions of those with an eye on the party’s presidential ticket, rather than a deliberate and organised team work.
The best showing posted by the ADC was in Abuja Municipal with 12,109 votes, less than a third of the APC’s winning votes of 40,295 votes. The party got 1,366 votes in Gwagwalada, 4,254 in Bwari, a mere 37 votes in Abaji, (where there was a large voter turnout), 716 votes in Kuje and 1,073 in Kwali. As expected, there have been disputations about the results across board, with the opposition parties alleging that the votes were rigged.
Even with its 5–1 victory, the ruling APC has complained about the delay of results in two wards in Kuje: Central and Kabi, and also the results from Gudun Karya ward. Dr Moses Paul, the ADC candidate in Abuja Municipal is inconsolable. He alleges that some of his agents were threatened and voters were suppressed in favour of the ruling party. In a statement on Sunday, 22 February, Dr Paul, who has lived in Abuja for 40 years, says, “No force in history has ever defeated an idea whose time has come”.
Even the PDP is complaining. Ini Ememobong, spokesperson of the PDP, says many things went wrong in the FCT elections. The PDP has already set up a legal team led by its National Legal Adviser, Shafi Bara’u, to challenge the results, and asked aggrieved candidates to get ready to go to court. With so much confusion over area council elections in the Federal Capital Territory, it may be said that the battle for the 2027 general elections may have started, and the expectations that the spate of litigations would be reduced may be no more than mere wishful thinking.
Voter turn-out, voter apathy, was an issue in Abuja. Out of a total number of 1,680,315 registered voters, only about 239,000 voters showed up to vote, representing about 15 per cent. The whole idea of democracy is that it would be participatory, inclusive, free, fair and credible. Democracy is also meant to be of the people, by the people, for the people.
When the people refuse to show up on polling day, it means that they have their doubts about the process, they do not trust it, or they are afraid to participate. The Electoral Act 2026 obviously has not built any trust or confidence. Those who argue that the turn out in the FCT shows an improvement compared to the past miss the point: 15 per cent, by all considerations, is a failure rate in simple mathematics; it is not good enough to argue that in the 2022 Area Council elections in Abuja, only 9.4 per cent of registered voters showed up.
It was not only in Abuja that the people failed to turn out in large numbers (except perhaps in Abaji), voter apathy was also recorded in Rivers and Kano states. Political parties, the INEC, and the National Orientation Agency, have a lot to do to educate the voting public and invest more in voter mobilisation.
The elections on 21 February are the second set conducted under Professor Joash Amupitan, the first being the Anambra elections in November 2025, but there are bigger challenges ahead in the Ekiti (20 June), Osun (8 August) gubernatorial elections and the general elections of 2027. For the people’s votes to count, they must come out to vote, and perform their civic duty as responsible citizens.
INEC has been commended for the peaceful conduct of the recent elections but that should not push INEC to become triumphant. There have been reports of voters not finding their names in designated polling units. INEC denies migrating voters from one unit to another but admits that it created split units, which were located a few metres away from the original polling units known to voters, in order to reduce congestion on Election Day.
And that voters were informed accordingly four days before voting day. In Kuje Area Council, election results were not announced until Sunday afternoon, 22 February, due to a “logistical error” involving a collation officer. It was most clever of INEC to have avoided the use of the phrase “technical glitches”, although it talked about “the difficult terrain of Kabi ward, which delayed the final collation of Area Council results.” What kind of difficult terrain, please? In most parts of the FCT, INEC officials arrived early, much earlier than the voters who arrived in trickles or did not even bother to vote in many places. INEC can only count the votes cast, those who stayed away failed to make a statement about their choice, and the naysayers obviously include those who are most vocal on social media and beer parlours, but when it is Election Day, they disappear. Elections are won and lost at polling units, not on social media.
Vote buying was recorded in Abuja. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) deployed its officers in the FCT, and ended up arresting 20 persons for vote buying and selling. Over ₦17 million was seized. One of the suspects was arrested with ₦13.5 million in his possession. Those who sell and buy votes are saboteurs. They and their sponsors deserve stiff punishment.
The impunity remains because they always get away with it. The EFCC did certainly much better than other security agencies. In one polling unit in Nyanya General Hospital, there is a video in circulation showing persons trying to buy votes, with the police and Civil Defence officers in attendance doing nothing while party agents took up the matter.
In Rivers State, there were two by elections: in Ahoada East to fill the seat vacated by Honourable Edison Ehie, and in Khana Constituency II to replace Honourable Dinebari Lolo who died. The turn-out was low, and the two seats were won by the APC. Governor Simi Fubara described the election as a “family affair” and urged the people in both constituencies to vote for the APC.
Voting materials did not arrive early – a minus for INEC. But the results did not come as a surprise, with Governor Fubara having deported himself from the PDP to the APC, and his godfather, Minister Nyesom Wike breathing down everybody’s neck in Rivers to justify his much-advertised loyalty to the APC and President Bola Tinubu. Rivers State is now a perfect case of state capture!
In Kano, the APC similarly won the House of Assembly by-elections in Kano Municipal and Ungogo. Voter apathy was also a problem. In the 2023 general elections, both constituencies recorded a total turn-out figure of 130,000 viz: Kano Municipal – 60,000 and Ungogo – 70,000, but this time around voter participation was less than 17,000 in both constituencies – less than 15 per cent of the voter turn-out in 2023. The two winners were sons of their predecessors, who both died on 24 December, 2025.
Their sons have now been elected to replace them on the same day, 21 February. There was almost no contest in Kano State. The New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) did not participate because the two candidates who defected, along with Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, to the APC were previously handpicked for the position, out of compassion, by the NNPP leader, Dr Kwankwaso.
The PDP and the ADC also stayed away, citing the Ramadan season and the small scope of the by-elections. Governor Yusuf may celebrate the victory as evidence of his capacity to deliver Kano state to the ruling APC, which he recently joined, but definitely this is not a true test of the future of Kano politics. Kano is a major political battleground where the competition is fierce.
Elections in that state in 2027 would be a tough battle among gladiators, except, of course, the APC manages to capture the entire state politically and completely, but that looks like a very long shot. The same people of Kano who did not show up in these by-elections will troop out en masse in 2027. They have an independent mind of their own.
This is why the APC must moderate its chest-beating. APC Chairman, Professor Nentawe Yiltwada; the Lagos APC; Minister Nyesom Wike; the Southern Governors’ Forum; and other APC chieftains, have attributed their party’s victory this past weekend to its wide acceptance by Nigerians, an endorsement of President Tinubu, and a signal of the APC’s impending victory in the 2027 general elections.
They sound as if their party has already won a second term, but they must be concerned about the challenge of legitimacy, and the crisis of alienation which the low voter turn-out indicates. But by far, the biggest problem, in Rivers State and the FCT, is the role played by Minister Nyesom Wike. The President attributes the party’s success to Wike’s achievements in the FCT.
He might as well add Rivers, with he, Wike, having beaten everybody in that state, including the governor, the youths and those walking stick-swinging elders, into total submission. Wike declared a public holiday ahead of the election in the FCT and imposed a curfew in the city. He has no powers to do so.
On Election Day, he disobeyed his own law by circulating around the city like smallpox, claiming he was monitoring the election. He is not a registered voter in the FCT and he is not an accredited election observer! He has been accused correctly by the ADC of “direct interference” without any constitutional role.
Rather than praise him, the President should call him to order. Nobody is above the law, as we have seen in the examples of the one formerly known as Prince Andrew in the UK, and President Donald Trump in the United States who has just been reminded of the same principle.
Reuben Abati, a former presidential spokesperson, writes from Lagos.
Foreign News
Ethiopia Experiments Smart Police Stations without Officers
The vision is for Ethiopia’s smart police stations to be unmanned – but giving more people access to police services. Computer tablet screens glow inside a row of partitioned booths at a new-style Ethiopian police station. There is no commotion. There is no front desk, no bench of anxiously waiting civilians, no officer calling out names.
It is a pilot project of what is being called a “smart” – or unmanned – police station in the Bole district of the capital, Addis Ababa, is the latest chapter in Ethiopia’s bid to catch up with the digital revolution.
A large monitor on the wall cycles through welcome messages as well as images of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.
But at the moment there are uniformed officers standing by to demonstrate how the system works, which makes it feel more like a tech showroom.
Recently opened, the staff “is here to help people get used to it”, the police’s head of technology expansion department Demissie Yilma said.
Inside a booth, he taps a screen and goes through the steps to make a report.
Demissie selects the type of incident – a crime, a traffic report or a general concern – enters the details and presses a button to submit the comment.
Then, an officer – who is a real person in a remote location rather than a chatbot – pops up on the screen and begins to ask questions and take down information.
“If there is a problem, officers respond immediately and patrol the area mentioned by the reporter,” Demissie says.
In its first week last month, the smart police station (SPS) received just three reports – a lost passport, a financial fraud case and a routine complaint.
But Demissie believes the number of reports will grow as locals become more aware of it.
“The future police service should be near the citizens,” he says.
The use of a computer tablet to communicate with officials may mean less human-to-human contact but the authorities believe that the SPS could increase access to the police in places where there may not be enough personnel to man a fully fledged station.
At the project’s launch on 9 February, the prime minister was quoted in state media as saying that it was aimed at making “law enforcement institutions competent and competitive” and he framed it as part of a wider digital reform drive.
Users of the smart police station enter details on a tablet before a real person appears on the screen
The smart police station is part of a broader move to change how citizens interact with the state.
The national strategy launched last year – known as Digital Ethiopia 2030 – is the government’s blueprint for digitising public services, from identity systems and payments to courts and public administration.
The proportion of Ethiopians who have access to the internet remains quite low, meaning that the country has lagged behind others on the continent in terms of digital transformation.
Also, conflict and political upheavals in recent years have led to internet blackouts.
But as the telecoms sector has opened up, the country is embracing mobile phone digital payments in birr, the local currency.
The government has also introduced a national digital ID system and put several government services online.
Supporters of the moves argue that these changes are long overdue in a country with rapid urban growth and a young population.
Birhan Nega Cheru, a senior software engineer in Addis Ababa, is pleased with the shift.
“When they work well, they reduce paperwork and visits to offices,” he tells the BBC.
But he also recognises security and privacy issues and the dangers that those “who are not digitally literate can easily be scammed”.
“Urban users, younger people, businesses, those with smartphones and skills, benefit most,” the software engineer says.
“Older people, rural communities and low-income groups are at risk of being left out.”
And the numbers support his assertions.
In a report last year, the UN’s educational organisation, Unesco, found that 79% of its citizens were not connected to the internet.
But Zelalem Gizachew, a technology policy analyst, argues that the government’s strategy has been chipping away at the digital divide.
“Digital literacy remains a challenge,” he says. “That is why the Digital Ethiopia 2030 strategy puts emphasis on training and skills, not just technology.”
He points to measurable changes over the past five years.
“Digital payments have boomed with trillions of birr now moving through electronic transactions. Broadband access has expanded sharply, and more than 130 government services have been digitised.
“These are foundational investments,” Zelalem says. “You cannot modernise public services without infrastructure, policy and skills.”
For now, the smart police station remains a pilot.
It is in a controlled environment where officers guide users through a system which is still finding its footing. Traditional stations continue to operate, and most citizens still rely on in-person reporting.
Whether the model expands will depend less on how sleek the technology looks, and more on whether people choose to use it when no-one is there to explain the screens.
In that sense, the quiet room in Bole is not a finished product. It is an experiment, and a small window into how Ethiopia’s broader digital ambitions may play out in everyday life.
Foreign News
UK Cancels Cameroun, South Sudan, Afghanistan, Myanmar Study Visas Due to Abuse
The UK government will stop issuing study visas to people from Afghanistan, Cameroon, Myanmar and Sudan from this month, Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood has said, as well as stopping skilled work visas to Afghans.
The Home Office said the action was being taken due to what it said was widespread visa abuse.
According to official figures, people from the four countries were the most likely to make an asylum claim after originally coming to the UK to study.
“The government is clamping down on visa abuse so the UK can maintain its ability and proud tradition of helping those genuinely in need,” a government spokesperson added.
In its release, the government said asylum claims from people who had originally travelled to the UK legally – to do something like studying – had more than tripled between 2021 and 2025.
Home Office figures showed that people claiming asylum off the back of a study visa make up 13% of all claims currently in the system.
Mahmood said she was “taking the unprecedented decision to refuse visas for those nationals seeking to exploit our generosity”.
“I will restore order and control to our borders.”
The Home Office said a higher proportion of people than average from the four specified countries cited destitution as part of their asylum claim, and there were 16,000 people from the four countries currently being supported.
About 95% of Afghans who arrived in the UK on a study visa then applied for asylum since 2021, while applications by students from Myanmar increased 16-fold and claims by students from Cameroon and Sudan more than quadrupled.
In its reasoning for ending work visas for Afghans, the Home Office also cited the large numbers claiming asylum in the UK once their visas expired.
It said that this posed “an unsustainable threat to the UK’s asylum system”.
The security situation is volatile in Afghanistan and recent tensions between the country and Pakistan have resulted in violent clashes in border regions.
There has been a civil war in Sudan since 2023, forcing millions to flee their homes in what the United Nations has called the world’s largest humanitarian crisis.
There is separatist unrest in Cameroon, where militia are fighting for the independence of the country’s two Anglophone regions in what is a mainly French-speaking nation.
In Myanmar, there is a civil war following a military coup in 2021.
Mahmood will introduce new legislation to stop the issuing of visas through an Immigration Rules change on Thursday 5 March.
In November, the home secretary threatened to shut down all UK visas for Angola, Namibia and the Democratic of Congo unless their governments agreed to take deportations, which led to a resumption of return flights with all three countries.
The measures follow the prime minister’s decision to adopt a more hard-edged approach to diplomacy in response to pressure to reduce immigration from those on the political right, including the Conservatives and Reform UK.
Last week, the government announced protection for refugees would be halved to 30 months in an attempt to reduce small boat crossings.
In 2025, a total of 41,472 migrants crossed the Channel in small boats, which was almost 5,000 more than the previous year.
The UK has resettled the sixth largest number of refugees referred by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in the world, which the Home Office said demonstrated the government’s commitment to helping those genuinely in need.
The home secretary will give a speech this week on making the “progressive case” for immigration control.
Last month, about 40 Labour MPs raised concerns about the impact of the proposals to change permanent settlement rights for migrants already living here, describing the retrospective approach as “un-British” and “moving the goalposts”.
They have warned it could worsen the UK’s skills shortage, particularly in the care sector.
Max Wilkinson, Liberal Democrat home affairs spokesman, said it was “right to say student visas are for students and asylum routes are for refugees”.
“The problem is there are still no controlled, safe routes for refugees to reach the UK and no meaningful returns agreements with other countries for those whose claims are rejected,” Wilkinson said.
Ethiopia Experiments Smart Police Stations without Officers
The vision is for Ethiopia’s smart police stations to be unmanned – but giving more people access to police services. Computer tablet screens glow inside a row of partitioned booths at a new-style Ethiopian police station. There is no commotion. There is no front desk, no bench of anxiously waiting civilians, no officer calling out names.
It is a pilot project of what is being called a “smart” – or unmanned – police station in the Bole district of the capital, Addis Ababa, is the latest chapter in Ethiopia’s bid to catch up with the digital revolution.
A large monitor on the wall cycles through welcome messages as well as images of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.
But at the moment there are uniformed officers standing by to demonstrate how the system works, which makes it feel more like a tech showroom.
Recently opened, the staff “is here to help people get used to it”, the police’s head of technology expansion department Demissie Yilma said.
Inside a booth, he taps a screen and goes through the steps to make a report.
Demissie selects the type of incident – a crime, a traffic report or a general concern – enters the details and presses a button to submit the comment.
Then, an officer – who is a real person in a remote location rather than a chatbot – pops up on the screen and begins to ask questions and take down information.
“If there is a problem, officers respond immediately and patrol the area mentioned by the reporter,” Demissie says.
In its first week last month, the smart police station (SPS) received just three reports – a lost passport, a financial fraud case and a routine complaint.
But Demissie believes the number of reports will grow as locals become more aware of it.
“The future police service should be near the citizens,” he says.
The use of a computer tablet to communicate with officials may mean less human-to-human contact but the authorities believe that the SPS could increase access to the police in places where there may not be enough personnel to man a fully fledged station.
At the project’s launch on 9 February, the prime minister was quoted in state media as saying that it was aimed at making “law enforcement institutions competent and competitive” and he framed it as part of a wider digital reform drive.
Users of the smart police station enter details on a tablet before a real person appears on the screen
The smart police station is part of a broader move to change how citizens interact with the state.
The national strategy launched last year – known as Digital Ethiopia 2030 – is the government’s blueprint for digitising public services, from identity systems and payments to courts and public administration.
The proportion of Ethiopians who have access to the internet remains quite low, meaning that the country has lagged behind others on the continent in terms of digital transformation.
Also, conflict and political upheavals in recent years have led to internet blackouts.
But as the telecoms sector has opened up, the country is embracing mobile phone digital payments in birr, the local currency.
The government has also introduced a national digital ID system and put several government services online.
Supporters of the moves argue that these changes are long overdue in a country with rapid urban growth and a young population.
Birhan Nega Cheru, a senior software engineer in Addis Ababa, is pleased with the shift.
“When they work well, they reduce paperwork and visits to offices,” he tells the BBC.
But he also recognises security and privacy issues and the dangers that those “who are not digitally literate can easily be scammed”.
“Urban users, younger people, businesses, those with smartphones and skills, benefit most,” the software engineer says.
“Older people, rural communities and low-income groups are at risk of being left out.”
And the numbers support his assertions.
In a report last year, the UN’s educational organisation, Unesco, found that 79% of its citizens were not connected to the internet.
But Zelalem Gizachew, a technology policy analyst, argues that the government’s strategy has been chipping away at the digital divide.
“Digital literacy remains a challenge,” he says. “That is why the Digital Ethiopia 2030 strategy puts emphasis on training and skills, not just technology.”
He points to measurable changes over the past five years.
“Digital payments have boomed with trillions of birr now moving through electronic transactions. Broadband access has expanded sharply, and more than 130 government services have been digitised.
“These are foundational investments,” Zelalem says. “You cannot modernise public services without infrastructure, policy and skills.”
For now, the smart police station remains a pilot.
It is in a controlled environment where officers guide users through a system which is still finding its footing. Traditional stations continue to operate, and most citizens still rely on in-person reporting.
Whether the model expands will depend less on how sleek the technology looks, and more on whether people choose to use it when no-one is there to explain the screens.
In that sense, the quiet room in Bole is not a finished product. It is an experiment, and a small window into how Ethiopia’s broader digital ambitions may play out in everyday life.
NEWS
Julius Berger Commits to Renewed Hope Climate Change Awareness Tour
By Mike Odiakose, Abuja
Leading engineering construction company, Julius Berger Nigeria PLC has joined forces with the Renewed Hope Climate Change Awareness Tour, a national initiative aimed at promoting climate resilience and sustainable development across Nigeria to further the goals of the project.
The initiative was inaugurated inside the State House Conference Centre, Abuja Tuesday.
Speaking at the event, President Bola Tinubu who was represented by the Minister of Environment, Balarabe Abbas Lawal, urged governors, Organised Private Sector actors and fellow stakeholders to lead Nigeria’s climate transition, transforming awareness into practical action at all levels while calling on governors, private sector leaders, and stakeholders to accelerate Nigeria’s transition to a resilient, low-carbon economy.
Tinubu said climate change was not only a risk but also an opportunity for innovation, growth, and national development.
“Today we inaugurate a movement, the Renewed Hope Climate Change Awareness Tour. It is a national call to action, a call to innovation, opportunity, and sustainable development for all Nigerians,” Tinubu said.
Stressing that Nigeria stood at a defining moment as the global transition to low-carbon development accelerated, the President said, “Capital is shifting, markets are evolving, and technology is transforming industries. Nigeria intends to lead tomorrow.”
He explained that the tour would take climate awareness beyond conference halls into communities, engaging governors, traditional rulers, students, innovators, entrepreneurs, farmers, and financial institutions nationwide.
By doing so, he added that bankable projects will be identified, local solutions unlocked, climate finance capacity strengthened, and partnerships between the public and private sectors mobilised.
To the stakeholders, the President said that nationally determined contributions were commitments to reduce emissions, enhance resilience, and safeguard communities, saying, “Commitments must be matched with action, supported by investment, and this tour bridges that gap.”
He further tasked young Nigerians to take ownership of the climate transition, stressing that their ideas, technology, and entrepreneurship would shape the nation’s future while aligning with the Renewed Hope Agenda.
Said he, “climate resilience is national security. Leadership is not a budget; it is a result we must accept with confidence. Nigeria chooses leadership over hesitation,”
Also, the Director of Forestry in the ministry, Halima Bawa, stressed the urgency of confronting climate change, noting its effects, including desert encroachment, flooding, coastal erosion, and erratic rainfall affecting farmers.
Lawal lauded the Climate Change Act 2021 for establishing a legal framework for coordinated climate governance, carbon budgeting, and a pathway to net-zero emissions by 2060, institutionalising climate action across sectors.
Special Assistant to the President on Climate Change Matters, Yussuf Kelani, said the tour represented a national movement grounded in leadership, collaboration, and commitment to Nigeria’s environmental and economic security.
Kelani, Chairman of the REHCCAT Committee, said the initiative sought to democratise climate knowledge, align federal and state-level action with Nigeria’s NDCs, and mobilise partnerships, green jobs, and climate finance.
Guest Speaker, Prof. Babajide Alo, emphasised that climate resilience required locally led adaptation, community empowerment, and capacity-building to actively manage climate risks and implement sustainable solutions.
“Securing Nigeria’s climate future requires revisiting priorities and lifestyles, embracing responsible consumption, reducing carbon footprints, and embedding sustainable development in every sector,” Alo said, calling for action at all levels.
For Julius Berger Nigeria PLC, the Chief Risk Officer, Shakira Mustapha said the target of well-wishers of Nigeria is a net zero emission.


