Connect with us

view point

INEC Guidelines: Necessary Reform or Incomplete Solution?

Published

on

Share

By Ayodele Babalola

The inclusion of Alternative Dispute Resolution provisions in the Independent National Electoral Commission Regulations and Guidelines for Political Parties 2026 (hereinafter the “2026 Regulations”) represents a significant development in Nigeria’s evolving approach to political party regulation.

Political party disputes have historically constituted one of the greatest sources of electoral instability, particularly disputes arising from party leadership contests, membership issues, candidate selection processes, and party primaries.

These disputes have frequently resulted in extensive pre-election litigation, delays in electoral preparations, uncertainty about candidates, and increased pressure on the judiciary.

The introduction of an INEC-supported ADR mechanism reflects an acknowledgement that litigation alone cannot effectively resolve Nigeria’s recurring political party conflicts. ADR offers the possibility of faster, less adversarial, and more relationship-preserving dispute resolution.

However, while the framework is a welcome development, its effectiveness will depend on whether it addresses the underlying causes of political party disputes and whether it provides sufficient legal certainty regarding participation, outcomes, and enforcement. This may be INEC’s most elaborate attempt to institutionalize ADR through its Regulations, but it is certainly not its first attempt at entrenching the ADR process.

The Daily Trust (Feb. 9, 2023) reported that 1,241 intra-party pre-election suits were instituted in the 2023 general election cycle, compared with about 809 in the 2019 general election cycle, according to Punch (May 28, 2019). To discourage such suits, the National Assembly enacted Section 83(5) of the Electoral Act 2026, which provides that no court in Nigeria shall exercise jurisdiction over any suit or matter pertaining to the internal affairs of a political party. Where such action is brought in negation of this provision, it further provides in Section 83(6)(b) that the court shall, at the conclusion of the matter, impose costs of not less than N10m on the counsel who filed the action and not less than N10m on the Plaintiff/Applicant, and in addition to payment to the commission of any cost, including solicitors’ fees incurred by it where joined as a party.

However, in its recent decision in Chris Nduka v INEC & Ors, Suit No. FHC/ABJ/CS/721/2026 delivered on the 23rd day of July 2026, the Federal High Court declared that only its Chief Judge is empowered to make rules of court or practice directions governing the award of costs in proceedings before the Federal High Court, such that any legislative attempt by the National Assembly to fix or limit such costs, including Section 83(6)(b) of the Electoral Act 2026 in favour of the INEC (who is entitled to yearly budgetary allocations for all its litigation cases) constitutes an unconstitutional derogation of the Court’s inherent judicial power and is therefore null, void, and of no effect to the extent of its inconsistency.

The court also declared that Section 83(6)(b) unlawfully fetters the discretionary powers of a Judge of the Federal High Court, interferes with the constitutional duty and functions of the judiciary, thereby constitutes an unconstitutional intrusion into judicial proceedings and is contrary to Sections 4, 5 and 6 of the Constitution, which collectively preserve the separation of powers between the legislature, executive, and judiciary.

The ADR provisions in the 2026 regulations, therefore, address a genuine institutional gap by creating a formal mechanism for resolving disputes before they escalate into litigation.

In exercising its powers to monitor and direct the organisation and operation of political parties, the commission established an Alternative Dispute Resolution Mechanism to resolve all internal disputes of political parties in its 2026 Regulations.

According to section 47(1) of the 2026 Regulations, if a political party is unable to resolve any internal dispute through the dispute resolution mechanism provided in its Constitution, the Commission may refer such disputes to its ADR mechanism. A political party or aggrieved member(s) thereof may also, on their own initiative, refer such dispute to the Commission’s ADR Division for Mediation pursuant to section 47(2).

According to section 47(4) & (5), the parties are to agree on a sole Mediator from the list of accredited Mediators accredited by the Commission, and where they fail to do so within two weeks of the reference, the Commission shall appoint one of its accredited Mediators to mediate the dispute. This differs from the previous approach, in which staff of the AEDR unit within the INEC served as a third-party neutral. Also, under section 47(7), any settlement or determination reached at the conclusion of the ADR process shall be in writing, signed by the parties to the dispute, and binding on them.

The bindingness of such a settlement is, however, subject to Section 88(2) of the Electoral Act 2026, which provides that an aspirant who complains that any of the provisions of this Act and the guidelines of a political party have not been complied with in the selection or nomination of a candidate of a political party for election may apply to the Federal High Court for redress.

The ADR process shall be concluded within three (3) months, and the parties shall bear the cost of the mediation in accordance with sections 47(8) & (9) of the 2026 Regulations. They shall also participate in the ADR process in good faith and comply with all procedural directions issued by the Commission under section 47(3).

Despite its advantages, the ADR framework in electoral governance raises important questions regarding its history, the enforceability of settlements reached through mediation, and its scope. INEC introduced ADR in 2008 to resolve electoral disputes and, in 2011, established an AEDR Directorate comprising election officials to implement the project.

According to an IFES, ADR Case Study: Nigeria, and the INEC (2012) draft AEDR guide, the objective was for the staff of this unit within the INEC to “act as a third-party neutral which can confidentially address the resolution of intra-political party disputes, electoral issues before, during and after elections,” and “assist the courts in timely addressing electoral cases … and the public and parties in fact-finding, early warning monitoring and in the mediation of electoral disputes.” The IFES Report notes that the ADR mechanism in INEC remains underused and underfunded. There is also no widely documented, comprehensive INEC database on the effectiveness of its AEDR Directorate or how well the political class utilised it.

Also, a settlement agreement is only effective if the parties comply with it in good faith and voluntarily, or if there are clear legal consequences for non-compliance. A party or faction may participate in mediation as a strategic step while intending to pursue litigation or disregard an unfavourable settlement. Without stronger enforcement mechanisms, ADR risks becoming merely another procedural stage before litigation rather than a genuine dispute resolution mechanism.

The requirement for parties to participate in ADR in good faith under section 47(4) of the 2026 Regulations is appropriate but difficult to enforce. Political disputes are often driven by competing ambitions and strategic calculations. The 2026 Regulations could strengthen this aspect by defining minimum standards of participation, including attendance at mediation sessions, disclosure of relevant information, and genuine engagement with settlement proposals.

This could be clarified in the “procedural directions” alluded to in the 2026 Regulations. Without such safeguards, parties may exploit ADR as a delay tactic rather than a genuine method of dispute resolution, despite the three-month period set out in Section 47(8) of the 2026 Regulations.

The 2026 Regulations also describe the settlements and determinations made at the end of the process as binding but subject them to the rights of political parties and aspirants under Section 88 of the Electoral Act 2026 to litigate certain issues, specifically, the application to the Federal High Court for redress by a political party, or an aspirant who complains that any of the provisions of this Act and the guidelines of a political party have not been complied with in the selection or nomination of a candidate of a political party for election.

This suggests that other settlements arising from internal party disputes are binding, but it also introduces uncertainty. Despite the laudable attempts in the 2026 regulation, clearer guidance is needed on which disputes are suitable for mediation and on the implications of binding settlements.

Certain disputes are naturally appropriate for ADR, including membership disputes; disagreements concerning party administration; leadership conflicts; internal disciplinary matters; and disputes relating to the interpretation of party rules.

Disputes generally involving statutory violations, constitutional questions, or unlawful electoral conduct may, however, require judicial determination. Beyond the Section 88 statutory exception, there should be a clearer distinction between disputes that are suitable for mediation and those that are not.

The ADR provisions in the 2026 regulations represent an important step towards improving political party dispute resolution in Nigeria. They recognise that excessive reliance on litigation has contributed to electoral uncertainty and weakened internal party democracy. However, the framework requires further strengthening.

The legal status and enforceability of ADR settlements should be clarified; the categories of disputes suitable for ADR should be defined more clearly; and mechanisms should be introduced to discourage bad-faith participation. ADR should serve as a complementary mechanism that encourages early dispute resolution and strengthens internal party governance.

Qualified mediators who will earn the confidence and trust of aggrieved parties should be placed on INEC’s accredited mediators list, which should be made public. If properly implemented, the framework can reduce unnecessary litigation, improve political party accountability, and contribute to a more stable and credible electoral system, as we move towards the 2027 general elections.

Finally, as a regulatory provision, the ADR framework falls under the category of transient provisions, with its survival contingent on similar provisions in the next batch of regulations for the 2031 elections. This raises another question: is it not high time for a statutory framework for Alternative Electoral Dispute Resolution?

Ayodele Babalola Babalola is a legal practitioner

view point

NFF: Why Nigeria Must Follow the Rules, not Sentiments

Published

on

Share

By Ken Ekwueme

On Tuesday, September 1, 2026, the world football governing body FIFA formally accepted the resignation of Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) President Ibrahim Musa Gusau and other principal officers of the federation.

FIFA also said it was backing the proposed comprehensive reform roadmap for Nigerian football.
The immediate implication of this is that FIFA will not sanction Nigeria on the basis of the induced resignations.
But make no mistake about this, Nigeria is still not out of the woods.

For while this may have settled some dust arising from the mass resignations occasioned by executive meddlesomeness, it has opened another vista of challenge and test of character for those shaping football in Nigeria.

Football, it must be said, is run on the pedestal of rules, mores and industry-based statutes. Such rules are fashioned to insulate football and its governing bodies at all levels from any form of crude intrusion and impunity.

Nigerians strongly believe and agree that NFF and the entire football ecosystem need reforms, especially after missing out from two consecutive World Cup for men, and now the 2027 World Cup for women in Brazil. But they also warn that such reforms must conform with laid down rules in accordance with NFF statutes and in consonance with both CAF and FIFA legal frameworks. The reforms must be anchored on the due process of the laws governing football in Nigeria, Africa (CAF) and globally (FIFA). One of such cardinal norms is that neither CAF nor FIFA should appoint or cause to be appointed a Normalisation Committee until the exhaustion of the NFF statutory process. Both CAF and FIFA are also barred from recognising or negotiating with Nigerian government or any such external body on the way forward for the NFF in moments of crisis such as the recent mass resignations. The NFF statutes have clearly stated the legitimate procedures towards resolving any leadership succession or vacancy crisis.

It bears reaffirming that Nigeria football administration is not anchored on lawlessness. Articles 38 of the NFF statute in keeping with the independence of the NFF states very clearly the steps to be taken in moments of resignations such as we have now. Where such vacancies exist on account of resignations, the law states categorically that such resignation does not amount to dissolution of the NFF. This also does not in any way extend an invitation to the federal government to meddle into the matter by trying to conjure ways of determining how the NFF should be governed. The lines are not blurred. They are defined. The government of any country under FIFA governance code has no locus to assume administrative duty either vicariously or by any direct manipulative process. On this count, the Nigerian government must back off from any intrusion whatsoever.

The question is: Are there vacancies at the football house? The answer is a valid YES! How then should the vacancies be filled? The answer is found in the law, not in any person’s imagination or conjuration. Here, again, we look to what the rule book says. Article 38 of the NFF statute envisaged diverse scenarios and dimensions of vacancies. Article 38(7), for instance, states: “If more than 50 percent of the positions of the Executive Committee become vacant, the General Secretary shall convene an Extraordinary Congress within the prescribed period of time. In the meantime, the remaining members of the Council shall take care of the daily affairs of the NFF until new elections are held.”

But whether more than 50 percent or all of the whole Council resigned, the NFF statute which is the only legitimate legal framework for football administration in Nigeria duly recognises the place of Congress to ensure stability and seamless succession of leadership within the federation.

Since the resignation tsunami that shook the NFF, the National Sports Commission (NSC) has appointed an interim administrative body to oversee the affairs of the federation. Under the circumstance, there should be no rush to set up a Normalisation Committee when immediate and extant procedures for filling vacancies have not been fully exhausted. The NSC must avoid being teleguided by the federal government. It must at this time recognise the legitimate powers vested in the Congress to drive the process of succession. Any procedure outside the Congress runs contrary to the grains of the NFF statutes.

This is even made easy as Congress has not only welcomed the reforms, but has indicated its willingness to work with both CAF, FIFA, and NSC to ensure a seamless transition to stronger and efficient leadership for Nigeria football. What is paramount at the moment is that every reform roadmap, strategy and prescription must have institutional legitimacy. Constituting a Normalisation Committee is not the next chapter in this regard. The most compelling and critical step is to consider the role and place of Congress as enshrined in the NFF statute and equally as is the lawful practice under CAF and FIFA jurisdictions which includes Nigeria.

Yes, there is crisis in Nigeria football. But due process of the law must be followed in the course of resolving the crisis. FIFA and CAF, both of which have bought into the reforms agenda for Nigeria football, should ensure they guide the Nigeria football stakeholders to abide by the statutes and not bow to extraneous influence.

The Congress of the NFF consists of 108 delegates representing various key sectors of Nigeria football. Its composition includes 36 states football associations’ chairmen and secretaries and the Federal Capital Territory; representatives and board members from domestic leagues, including the Nigeria Premier Football League (NPFL), Nigeria National League (NNL), Nigeria Nationwide League One (NLO), and Nigeria Women Football League (NWFL). It also includes members of specialist bodies namely: delegates from the coaches’ association, referees’ association, and the players’ union. This broad-spectrum membership of Congress makes it a veritable stakeholders’ representative body.

It is therefore both absurd and inappropriate to bypass Congress or diminish its legitimate essence in the guise of resolving the crisis. Doing so amounts to a descent into illegality and conscious transgression. It does not enforce the independence of NFF; it impairs it.

Not following the due process of the law exposes Nigeria to sanction by CAF and FIFA, even when they both agree to the reforms. And who knows, resolving the leadership crisis through any illegal means may trigger a trove of litigations. Some aggrieved stakeholders who felt that illegality was introduced in the making of the next Council may drag Nigeria to the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS), in Switzerland. That is not the kind of optics that Nigeria football needs at this time.

To avoid such showdown that could further dim whatever is left of Nigeria’s international image, Nigerian authorities, CAF and FIFA, must listen to Congress. A word is enough for the wise!

ekwueme, Sports Aficionado, writes from Abuja.

Continue Reading

view point

2027 Elections and Unguarded Statements

Published

on

Share

By Tochukwu Jimo Obi

Nigeria’s political environment is gradually heating up as preparations for the 2027 general elections gather momentum. While political competition is an essential component of democracy, the recent spate of inflammatory and threatening statements by some political actors is deeply disturbing.

Statements suggesting that citizens could be punished, intimidated or forced to support a particular political party represent a dangerous departure from the principles of democratic participation.
If left unchecked, such rhetoric could create an atmosphere of fear ahead of an election in which every Nigerian must be free to exercise his or her franchise without intimidation.

Of particular concern are the recent comments attributed to the Chairman of Kuje Area Council in the Federal Capital Territory, Samuel Danjuma Shekwolo. In a widely circulated video, the council chairman appeared to tell residents that they should support the All Progressives Congress or leave the area council. He linked his position to development projects attributed to the Federal Government and the FCT administration. Although Shekwolo subsequently denied that he intended to threaten or disenfranchise residents and argued that his comments had been taken out of context, the controversy itself should not be dismissed.

Even more disturbing are the recent comments attributed to Borno State Commissioner for Youth and Sports Development, Sainna Buba. Speaking at a political event in Maiduguri, Buba reportedly warned that those who refused to support the APC would be flogged and used language suggesting that opponents could have their fingers broken. Coming from a serving government official, such language is unacceptable in a democracy. Political persuasion is legitimate; threats of physical punishment are not. The comments have already attracted condemnation and calls for an investigation.

These incidents must also be viewed against the backdrop of the recent controversy involving Senator Francis Fadahunsi of Osun East. Fadahunsi was criticised over comments concerning members of the Accord Party ahead of the August 15 Osun governorship election. The remarks were interpreted by some as an incitement to violence, although the senator subsequently denied advocating physical violence, insisting that he meant his supporters should politically defeat the opposition through their votes. The Osun State Police Command subsequently invited him for questioning.

The pattern should concern every Nigerian, regardless of political affiliation. At a time when the National Peace Committee is making deliberate efforts to prevent violence and encourage issue based campaigns, some politicians and public officials appear determined to undermine that effort through reckless utterances. On August 18, presidential candidates and political parties signed the first National Peace Accord ahead of the 2027 elections, committing themselves to peaceful and issue based campaigns and rejecting violence, intimidation, hate speech and inflammatory rhetoric.

The National Peace Committee deserves commendation for its continuing intervention in Nigeria’s electoral process. Its stated objective is to promote peaceful, credible elections and ensure that citizens can participate freely in the democratic process. But peace accords cannot succeed merely because political leaders sign documents. They must be backed by responsible conduct and, where necessary, firm enforcement by state institutions.

This is where the security agencies must rise to the occasion. Threats against voters, political opponents or any group of citizens should not be treated as ordinary political rhetoric simply because they emanate from influential politicians or government officials. Every credible allegation should be investigated promptly, impartially and transparently. Where an investigation establishes criminal conduct, the appropriate legal consequences should follow. Selective enforcement will only deepen public suspicion and reinforce the perception that politically connected individuals are above the law.

Election is not a do or die affair. It is a contest in which candidates and parties seek the consent of the people. Nigerians have the constitutional and democratic right to support the APC, NDC, PDP, Labour Party, ADC or any other political platform of their choice. They equally have the right to reject every one of them. No politician owns a community, local government, state or constituency simply because he or she occupies public office. Government projects are funded with public resources and cannot legitimately be presented as a political debt that citizens must repay with their votes.

There is therefore a need for political leaders, particularly those holding public office, to understand the enormous influence of their words. The recent action of Edo State Governor Monday Okpebholo over the controversial remarks of his aide, Apostle Kassy Chukwu, provides an important example of how political leadership should respond when an appointee crosses the line. Chukwu had warned that singer David Adeleke, popularly known as Davido, should not return to Edo State, prompting the state government to distance itself from the statement and subsequent reports that the governor terminated his appointment.

Other governors, ministers, lawmakers and political leaders should take note. Nigeria cannot afford another electoral season in which careless words become catalysts for violence. The security agencies must investigate threatening statements without fear or favour, while political parties must discipline members who endanger the peace. The responsibility for a peaceful 2027 election belongs to everyone, but those entrusted with public office bear an even greater responsibility. Democracy thrives when citizens are persuaded, not threatened; when opponents are challenged with ideas, not intimidation; and when every voter is allowed to walk into the polling booth and freely choose who should govern them.

Tochukwu Jimo Obi, Obosi Anambra State.

Continue Reading

view point

BBNaija: But What Are We Showing The Society?

Published

on

Share

By Idris Rufai

Big Brother Naija, popularly known as BBNaija, has become one of Nigeria’s most watched and discussed reality television programmes. Over the years, the show has attracted millions of viewers with its entertainment, competitions, relationships, parties and large cash prizes.

However, as the programme enters another season under the theme “Show Ya Sef”(Show Yourself), season 11, one question continues to bother me: What exactly are we showing ourselves, and more importantly, what are we showing the next generation?

As a young Nigerian and a student of Mass Communication, I believe entertainment should not be separated completely from responsibility.

The media has enormous power to influence the way people think, behave and perceive society. Therefore, programmes with millions of viewers should be examined not only from the perspective of entertainment but also from the perspective of their possible influence on society.

I first took time to watch BBNaija in 2020. When Olamilekan “Laycon” Agbeleshe emerged as the winner.At the time, I was curious about what attracted so many people to the programme. I initially expected a reality show that would combine entertainment with education, character development, talent discovery and positive contributions to society. However, after watching the programme on several occasions, I found myself asking what lasting values some aspects of the show were passing to viewers, particularly young people.

My concern is not that entertainment itself is wrong. People need entertainment, relaxation and programmes that allow them to escape from the pressures of everyday life. My concern is the type of entertainment being presented and the values that may be communicated through it.

One of the areas that raises concern for me is the manner in which some housemates present themselves during night and pool parties. Certain forms of dressing, dancing and other displays may be considered normal entertainment by some viewers, but others may see them as inconsistent with the moral and cultural standards expected in many Nigerian communities.

Nigeria is a country with diverse cultures, traditions and moral values. We are Africans, and our cultural heritage has historically placed importance on values such as dignity, respect, modesty and responsible behaviour. Therefore, while our media industry should evolve with changing times, it should also consider the cultural environment in which its programmes are being consumed.

The issue becomes even more important when we consider children and teenagers. Today, children can easily access smartphones, laptops and social media platforms from their homes. They do not necessarily need to sit in front of a television to encounter content from programmes such as BBNaija. Clips from reality shows can quickly circulate across social media platforms and reach children who may not even be old enough to understand the context surrounding what they are watching.

Young people are impressionable. What they repeatedly see can influence what they eventually consider normal, acceptable or desirable. This is why media regulatory bodies have a responsibility to consider the possible consequences of the content they put before the public.

Some viewers may argue that BBNaija is simply entertainment and that nobody is forced to watch it. That argument deserves consideration. Adults have the right to choose the programmes they watch. However, when a programme has such a large influence on popular culture, its producers should also recognise that its impact can extend beyond the individual viewer.

There is also the question of what happens after the show. The winner receives a substantial financial reward and other prizes, while contestants gain popularity and social media influence. But beyond the money, fame and entertainment, what positive legacy does the programme leave for society?

Could reality television in Nigeria do more to promote entrepreneurship, education, creativity, leadership, talent development, community service and responsible citizenship? Could contestants be challenged to develop businesses, solve community problems, promote Nigerian culture or participate in educational and social initiatives while still providing the entertainment audiences enjoy?

I believe it is possible.This is not a call for the complete cancellation of BBNaija or other reality television programmes. Rather, it is a call for responsible entertainment. The Nigerian entertainment industry is capable of producing programmes that are exciting and commercially successful while still promoting values that contribute positively to society.

Regulatory bodies also have an important role to play. They should continue to ensure that broadcast content complies with established broadcasting standards and protects vulnerable audiences, particularly children, also have a role in guiding children on what they watch and helping them understand the difference between entertainment and acceptable real life behaviour.

As we embrace modern entertainment, we should not allow the pursuit of ratings, popularity, money and fame to completely overshadow our cultural and moral responsibilities.

The theme “Show Yourself” therefore gives us an opportunity to ask a deeper question: What kind of self are we encouraging young Nigerians to show?

Are we showing creativity, intelligence, entrepreneurship, leadership, talent and cultural pride? Or are we increasingly celebrating behaviour simply because it attracts attention?

BBNaija has the platform and influence to do more. Its millions of viewers represent an enormous opportunity to entertain while also inspiring, educating and empowering young people.

We should not reject entertainment, but we should demand better entertainment.

We should not reject modern culture, but we should preserve the values that define us.

And above all, as we tell young people to “show yourself,” we must also ask them, and those who create the content they consume, what exactly are we showing the next generation?.

Continue Reading

Advertisement

Top Stories

view point22 seconds ago

INEC Guidelines: Necessary Reform or Incomplete Solution?

ShareBy Ayodele Babalola The inclusion of Alternative Dispute Resolution provisions in the Independent National Electoral Commission Regulations and Guidelines for...

BUSINESS2 minutes ago

Alake Urges OAU to Develop World Class Mining Centre

ShareThe Minister of Solid Minerals Development, Dele Alake, has charged the authorities of Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU) to leverage its...

BUSINESS5 minutes ago

FCCPC Probes Uber’s Exit

ShareThe Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission has begun examining Uber’s exit from Nigeria, particularly whether the ride-hailing company left...

NEWS8 minutes ago

Tinubu Approves CVFF Disbursement as Oyetola Directs Faster Loan Processing

SharePresident Bola Tinubu has authorised the disbursement of the Cabotage Vessel Financing Fund (CVFF), with the Minister of Marine and...

CRIME10 minutes ago

NDLEA Seizes N1.1bn Drugs, Busts Traffickers in Nationwide Sweep

ShareBy David Torough, Abuja The National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) has intensified its nationwide crackdown on illicit drugs, intercepting...

NEWS14 minutes ago

Falana Raises the Alarm over Missing N33.75bn Meant for Poor Nigerians

ShareBy David Torough, Abuja Human rights lawyer and Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Femi Falana, has called on the Economic and...

NEWS3 days ago

Nigeria Pledges Stronger Ties with Sao Tome on Maritime Security

ShareBy Tony Obiechina, Abuja The Federal Government has reaffirmed Nigeria’s commitment to strengthening bilateral relations with São Tomé and Príncipe,...

NEWS3 days ago

NAICOM Launches Programme to Strengthen Insurance Sector

ShareBy Tony Obiechina, Abuja The National Insurance Commission (NAICOM) has officially launched the Insurance Sector Strengthening Programme (ISSP), a new...

NEWS3 days ago

NESG Convenes Pre-Summit Dialogue on Bridging the Gap from Learning to Earning

ShareBy Tony Obiechina, Abuja The Nigerian Economic Summit Group (NESG), in collaboration with the Federal Ministry of Budget and Economic...

NEWS3 days ago

Enugu Govt Names Henry Okeke to Polytechnic Iwollo Governing Council

ShareBy Raphael Atuu, Abuja The Enugu State Government has approved the immediate appointment of Barr. Henry Okeke as a member...